'So we just moved off our posture and tried to speed things along'

the House, a proposal nearly identical to the Democratic proposal in the Senate. Although the package would be passed over to the Senate, it also would fall by the legislative wayside, held in committee until meaningless.

In the Senate, the situation became more complex with the involvement of Lt. Gov. Neil Hartigan. Hartigan, according to his staff members, had been the First State official to get involved in the problems of coal development. In June 1973 Hartigan had contracted a coal gasification study, and later in the summer called for establishment of an energy council. In March 1974, Hartigan had presented to Walker energy policy proposals. Because the 1970 Illinois constitution relegated the Lieutenant Governor to tasks assigned by the Governor, Hartigan lacked the power to move his proposals alone. Hartigan's close alliance with Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley, a sometimes political foe of Walker, did little to aid his chances.

Hartigan's proposal challenged the Governor for the chairmanship of an energy regulatory body. "We just wanted a meaningful role in the energy structure," said Don Eslick, a Hartigan aide. Sen. Phillip Rock, a member of the Senate Democratic leadership and the Chicago Democratic organization, introduced the amendment naming the Lieutenant Governor as chairman of yet another energy overseeing body. At first. Senate Republicans voted down Rock's amendment, but realizing that Hartigan could be an asset in their fight against Walker, Senate G.O.P. leaders allowed the Rock-Hartigan amendment to pass the second time around.

Compromise was finally achieved in the Senate on the question of bonding. By amendment, the bonding power in the Republican package was increased from $10 million to $60 million. The key to the Republican switch proved to be Sen. Clifford Latherow (R., Carthage), chairman of the Senate Agriculture, Conservation and Ecology Committee where the bills had been referred. Latherow became convinced during committee hearings of the need for a substantial financial commitment to compete with other states for federal funds. According to a Republican staff member, Harris told Latherow that if he thought he needed more money, the Republicans would add to the appropriation.

On July 2, three days after the session's scheduled adjournment, the Senate succeeded in passing the Republican energy package to the House. Several days earlier, the House had approved Blair's energy commission bill and sent it over to the Senate. By this time relations between Harris and Blair had become strained. "They weren't even talking to each other," said one staff member. Harris, angered at the Governor for press conference attacks accusing Senate Republicans of overspending and "wheeling and dealing," could not accept Blair's alliance with Walker.

Blair maintained his support for Walker, repeating that the Governor would be the best man for the job. But according to legislative sources Blair had agreed to support Walker in return for consideration regarding major appointments in the future. Hartigan, meanwhile, continued his push for a top-level post in the energy regulatory body, a position supported by Harris and the Senate Republicans. Both the Senate and House remained firm in their positions and neither would support bills amended by the other body. The House had amended out of the Senate bill the provision establishing a regulatory body chaired by the Lieutenant Governor, and the Senate refused to pass House Bill 2651 with the Governor as chairman of the energy commission.

The constant late-night sessions and partisan battles wore heavily on the lawmakers, especially Harris. According to staff members involved in the negotiations Harris had become adamant over his energy positions and would have let the entire energy program die. Finally, with the session dragging on into July, Harris and Blair agreed that something must be worked out. As one legislative aide put it, "When it gets to the final hours of the session, legislators just want to put something together and go home."

The only remaining legislative recourse was the conference committee, where legislators or their appointees sit down and bargain out their disputes. While a Fourth of July adjournment proposal was being discussed, legislative staff members drew up a final proposal on orders from Blair and Harris and carried it around to obtain the signatures of members of the conference committee, which never actually met.

In the final compromise. Senate Republicans succeeded in obtaining legislative control over the commission, but were forced to raise the coal development bonding power from $60 million to $70 million and agree to allow the Department of Business and Economic Development to act as the distributing agency. A surprising new addition appeared in the final compromise — the Illinois Energy Advisory Council. The council would be headed by the Governor and Lieutenant Governor serving as chairman and vice chairman, respectively, and include the directors of 10 State regulatory agencies. According to one staff member involved in the plans, "It was nothing but a last minute face-saving device."

In the final bargaining, however, everyone received part of what they wanted. Walker gained essentially what he wanted — a coal development authority with significant bonding power and a post in the planning. Hartigan also received a role in the State's energy program, and the legislature acquired control of the commission and final approval of any expenditures and programs.

For summaries and final roll call votes of S.B. 1659. S.B. 1667. and S.B. 2651. please turn to "Legislative Action" on pages 28 and 29.

26 /Illinois Issues/January 1975