The state of the State

Daley: the aftermath

THE DEATH of Richard J. Daley, Chicago's mayor for 21 years, has ended an era. No longer will Chicago Democrats wait for the call from His Honor telling them how votes will be cast to pass, defeat or amend a bill.

Daley was the most powerful Democrat in Illinois. He held the reins of political and governmental power in Chicago as its mayor and as chairman of the Cook County Democratic Central Committee. For over two decades he was "boss" of "his" Democratic organization, one of the most powerful and responsive political machines in American history.

What happens now to the Daley Democrats? Chicago legislators slated and elected by the regular Democratic organization have rarely been considered anything more than a bloc of votes — a tremendously powerful bloc — for Daley and the city whose interests he protected.

George W. Dunne, Daley's longtime and loyal friend and president of the Cook County Board, has been selected Daley's successor as chairman of the Cook County Democratic Central Committee. A new mayor will be elected in a few months, but to even come close to matching Daley's clout someone must capture both the mayor's office and the chairman's seat. No one is likely to pull this off.

While Democrats in Chicago concentrate on the possibilities of new power as the various factions maneuver, city and state business will continue. With Daley gone, the Democratic majority in the General Assembly will undoubtedly look more to its own leaders to get things done. And without Daley, the Republicans — and not a few Democrats — in the legislature won't have a large, single, target to take aim at.

Gov. James R. Thompson did not campaign with anti-Daley slogans, and it has been often noted that Daley works better with a Republican governor (like Richard B. Ogilvie) than a Democrat. Thompson will never know. Dan Walker was anti-Daley from the moment he walked into political prominence. He tried hard but failed to wrest the leadership of the Democratic party from Daley. Walker was defeated in the March Democratic primary, and with Daley's death, he has lost his major campaign issue. A comeback for Walker will be difficult without Daley's opposition to lean on.

Mayor Daley knew his city and Illinois state government as well. From all accounts, he took his job seriously and worked hard. More important, he produced. When the Shah of Iran visited Chicago it was reported that he was "fascinated" by Daley's explanation of the politics of getting things done. Eulogists have pictured him as a man of the people, someone who took the time to share a thought, a sorrow, a joke with people from all walks of life. Daley solved many problems; sometimes he seemed to be a magician when settling labor disputes or conjuring up federal funds for Chicago. He didn't always get his way; the Crosstown Expressway is not built and federal revenue sharing money was held up by the courts because of discrimination in hiring practices for the city firemen.

The tremendous influence of the man, the rough but magisterial control he held, had a force that seemed to negate debate. This raw power rankled many who wanted real debate and less rubber-stamping in Chicago government.

Although he presided over a massive governmental organization, Daley did not like bureaucracy, redtape or regulations. He praised Jimmy Carter after the November election because "Carter has stated that one of his greatest priorities is to reorganize the executive branch of government — to simplify its operations, to cut waste and duplication and to make the national government a more effective instrument of the people's representatives." Daley went on to write in an article for the Chicago SunTimes published the day after his death: "The basic differences between a bureaucrat and a politician are that the bureaucrat is selected to office and a politician is elected to office; a bureaucrat works with rules and regulations, with computers and statistics; a party worker can do that, too, but he had learned to work with people, to meet their needs."

National politics will also be different with Daley gone. National Democratic leaders will no longer have to court his approval.

The nation is led by a new President, the state by a new governor, and Chicago is led temporarily by Michael A. Bilandic of the 11th Ward, selected by his fellow aldermen of the Chicago City Council to serve until a special election to fill Daley's unexpired term is held. Bilandic, who is from Daley's own ward, accepted the mayor's position with the statement that he would not seek to run in the special election to fill the term which expires in 1979. But by January 5, it was reported Bilandic would consider responding to a draft by the Democratic Central Committee.

Other Chicago Democrats who may be candidates are Aid. Edward M. Burke, committeeman, 14th Ward; Ald. Wilson Frost, 43rd Ward; Aid. Edward R. Vrdolyak, committeeman, 10th Ward; Edmund L. Kelly, superintendent of the Chicago Park District and committeeman, 47th Ward; Ald. Roman C. Pucinski, committeeman, 41st Ward, and former congressman;

state Rep. Thaddeus (Ted) Lechowicz (D., Chicago); former State's Atty. Edward V. Hanrahan; Thomas Tully, Cook County assessor; and perhaps Dunne, whose candidacy would be an attempt to take Daley's place both as mayor and chairman of the Cook County Democratic Central Committee.

Other possibilities in the mayor's race are former Aid. William S. Singer, 43rd Ward, and state Sen. Richard Newhouse (D., Chicago), both of whom are liberal independents. Except for former Gov. Ogilvie, Republicans have no powerful figures to suggest as candidates./ C.S.G.

24 / February 1977 / Illinois Issues