Has Thompson taken over as state GOP 'boss'? THE DAY before the 1976 election, former Gov. Richard B. Ogilvie and Sen. Charles H. Percy made a flying tour of the state, hoping to drum up votes for the republican ticket. Neither of them was running for anything (Percy's presidential bid having dissolved in favor of Gerald Ford), so the logical questions centered on their roles in the party — before and after that election. Given the fact the Illinois GOP has been a giant collection of fragments in recent years; given the fact it appeared James R. Thompson was about to win the governor's mansion by a record margin — the senator and the former governor were asked — did they feel Thomson would become the leader of the party or would he merely become the leader of another faction? Ogilvie and Percy looked at each other for a moment. Then Ogilvie replied, "Well, if Jim Thompson is the leader of a faction, I'm sure it's a faction the senator and I would want to be part of." It was a nice, political answer, typical of the way Ogilvie handled that type of loaded question. But from Ogilvie's — and to a lesser degree, Percy's — perspective, there was one thing wrongwith it: It was too accurate. Now, less than two years later, Ogilvie has been all but forced out of the party's public front ranks, Percy is concentrating on his own reelection campaign and Senate business, and Thompson is well on his way to turning the Illinois GOP into one, big "I'm Big on Jim" Club. With a little luck, a little improvement as he goes along and a little more home-state ambition, Thompson could force Percy and Ogilvie to join his "faction" or face the consequences. It's too early to think of Thompson as a Republican answer to Mayor Daley. But it's not too early to think that someday soon he might achieve that kind of control of his own party. Consider what's happened to the other Republican powerhouses since Thompson came on the scene. For years, the party has regarded Bill Scott as its hope for the future. Scott, though, has refused over and over to make the big jump from obscure offices like attorney general and treasurer to the big time. And now he faces the possibility that a federal investigation of his finances — whatever its outcome — might put a permanent crimp in his political style. Scott has ability and obviously is not to be counted out yet. But it's interesting to notice that party officials who used to talk about the "Big Three" at the top of the ticket now talk about only two. Thompson, Percy and Scott have given way to Thompson and Percy. As a sidelight, it's also worth noticing that the most-mentioned replacement for Scott in the attorney general slot — should a replacement be needed — is Sam Skinner. Skinner, of course, is one of Thompson's closest professional allies. Percy has kept his options open. At that same 1976 news conference, he was asked if he could see any circumstances that might make him and Thompson opponents in the 1980 Illinois presidential primary. He glared at the questioner and did not respond. Since then, Percy has said the time is past for him to seek the White House. And, as old allies, he and Thompson have combined campaign forces this year. It is much easier to visualize Percy riding along as an elder statesman in a Thompson-dominated GOP than it is to visualize him challenging a Thompson hegemony. Ogilvie suffered an embarrassing setback in the primary when his candidate for Cook County sheriff, Lou Kasper, lost to independent Don Mulack. Thompson stayed neutral in that bitter fight, missing a good chance to take on Ogilvie head-to-head. But the governor made the county candidates an issue later as he forced the county central committee to pick his own candidate as chairman, presumably guaranteeing himself at least some voice in future party affairs within Cook County. That voice will be a check on any unwanted Ogilvie return to power. The party's other powers either lost election bids or pose no serious threat to Thompson. The governor's own hand-picked candidate, John Castle, derailed an anti-Thompson comeback bid by former House Speaker W. Robert Blair in the primary; former Comptroller George Lindberg found a safe judicial seat; former Senate President William Harris lost in the 1976 secretary of state race; and the current legislative leaders seem to be no threat to Thompson. In short, Thompson stands just about alone at the top of the party's ranks. Even more amazing is the way he's attained that position. He has never had to wage a serious campaign. He does not work as hard at the job of being governor as his two predecessors did. And, while he is a magnificiant campaigner in person, he has not built a particularly enviable reputation as a drawing card who can help other, less well known candidates. His handling of patronage, he joked at this year's Springfield Gridiron Dinner, is so bad that he wouldn't know who worked for his administration or how much they get paid were it not for Al Manning, a political columnist who keeps track of such things for the State Journal-Register in Springfield. A little more work on his patronage operation, a convincing win over a formidable opponent in November, a little help to legislative candidates with some effect on the legislative balance, and Thompson's "faction" could start to look very big, indeed. July 1978/Illinois Issues/33
|
|||||||||||||||
