By MICHAEL B. PRESTON

Political options for Chicago blacks

["Black Machine Politics in the Post-Daley Era" is the fourth in The Chicago Politics Papers series sponsored by the Center for Urban Affairs at Northwestern University and the Institute of Government and Public Affairs at the University of Illinois. Following is an abstract of Dr. Preston's paper. —Editor.]

THE END of the Daley era is not likely to herald much change in black Chicago politics. . . . Several factors led to this conclusion. First, the party Kill controls patronage, and thus politicians (both black and white). . . . One of the most important factors in the machine's control over the city is control over jobs that the city has to offer. It is ironic that minority group members, particularly blacks, who have traditionally supported the Daley machine at the polls, have not received the usual reward of patronage jobs in the city government bestowed upon other groups of supporters. Second, the poor economic conditions of blacks in Chicago leaves a large segment of the black community dependent on the machine for favors (jobs, welfare, and manpower programs among others). ...The black population in Chicago is expanding rapidly. From 1950 to 1960 it expanded by 65 percent; and from 1960 to 1970 it expanded by 38 percent. A sizable portion of this expanding population is made up of rather new young voters, ages 18-24. And it is precisely this group that suffers from high unemployment and low education. Most of these new black voters are not likely to find the low level jobs offered by the machine very attractive. Thus, even though they may be enticed to register and vote in one election, the lack of adequate incentives may cause them to decline at another. Stated differently, the machine does not have or is not willing to offer the kinds of incentives necessary to induce this group to become regular machine supporters. . . .

Chicago politics articles The Chicago Politics Papers is a series of articles on Chicago politics under the joint sponsorship of the Center for Urban Affairs at Northwestern University and the Institute of Government and Public Affairs at the University of Illinois. The seven papers are listed below and are available at the price of $4 each from The Center for Urban Affairs, Northwestern University, 2040 Sheridan Rd., Evanston, IL 60201 (Phone: 312/492-3395): "The Last of the Great Urban Machines and the Last of the Great Urban Mayors? Chicago Politics 1955-1977" by Kathleen A. Kemp and Robert L. Lineberry "Mayoral Voting in Chicago: the Daley-Bilandic Era" by Joseph Zikmund II "Latinos and Chicago Politics" by Joanne M. Belenchia ' 'Black Machine Politics in the Post-Daley Era" by Michael B. Preston "The Political Machine, the Urban Bureaucracy, and the Distribution of Public Services" by Kenneth R. Mladenka "Suburban Politics and the Decline of Illinois' One-City Party" by Lawrence N. Hansen "State and Federal Impact: The Post-Daley Era" by Samuel K. Gove

Third, the lack of political unity in the community and among black leaders, is not conducive to the development of an independent black political movement in Chicago. Some black aldermen believe that blacks on the council should form a caucus. Others disagree. Alderman Eugene Ray, a long time regular organization leader, has stated: "There's no need for a formal coalition because we meet together when it is necessary."

Political analysts of Chicago politics do not believe that a formal organization is likely. Lu Palmer, a local black journalist puts it this way: "Black politicians have been captives of the machine through the years. I don't expect any significant changes or the formation of a black coalition." Don Rose, a white journalist, has a similar view: "The black aldermen don't have enough power and they don't exercise the power they have. . . there is relatively no cohesiveness among them because some of them are responsible to white committeemen, some of them don't know what they want and some of them distrust the efforts of others." The lack of cohesion by black aldermen then, acts as one constraint on increased black political influence. . . .

Fourth, the lack of a viable Republican party or a strong black or white independent movement leaves few alternatives open to black voters. . . . Almost all of Chicago's black aldermen are loyal machine supporters. According to Paula P. Wilson, black aldermen use three labels to categorize each other: 1) "maverick" or "dissident"; 2) "controlled" (one who is controlled by the ward committeeman); and 3) "administration alderman" (they have more freedom than the controlled alderman, but usually follow the administration's line). Political analysts also note that few of the black aldermen can be characterized as dissidents. . . . Thus, in the short run, a sizable number of black voters are likely to remain as faithful appendages to the Democratic machine for no other reason than it is the only game in town. ... In the long run, however, there are likely to be many changes in the control that the machine has over black voters. The greatest threat to machine dominance is likely to be racial conflict. Daley's capacity to maintain unity was based on his capacity to dispense rewards to those who might threaten his dominance. . . . It is clear, however, that giving more to regular black Democrats may not help the black community. Richard Todd, an independent black leader, has stated: "Chicago is a city where deals are made. The Irish make deals for the Irish; Poles for the Polish; and black people make deals for themselves." Changes beneficial to the black community, then, may well depend on the people's ability to hold the black elected officials accountable.

Dr. Michael B. Preston is assistant professor for both the political science department and the Institute of Government and Public Affairs, University of Illinois.

April 1980/Illinois Issues/23