Thompson never looked better

By DIANE ROSS

THE WAY Thompson was dancing, you would have thought it was his inaugural ball, not Reagan's. But you couldn't blame him; Reagan's got nothing on Thompson when it comes to dumping Democrats.

Reagan may be the first Republican to win the White House since Watergate. But Thompson's the first Republican to take Illinois away from the Democrats in 25 years. Illinois Republicans have never been short of guaranteed vote getters, million-margin candidates like former Attorney General Bill Scott. But none of the vote getters have ever become the power brokers — until now. Thompson is the closest Illinois Republicans have ever come to a Richard J. Daley.

Thompson had never looked better in a top hat and tails. As he came to Washington, his agriculture director, John Block, was sailing through the U.S. Senate confirmation hearings on his nomination as Reagan's agriculture secretary. Before he left Springfield, Thompson had celebrated the new year by swearing in a Thompson protege, Jim Edgar, as the first Republican secretary of state in 10 years — thereby giving Illinois Republicans an inauguration of their own. Then Thompson had watched as his choice, George Ryan, was sworn in as the speaker of the first Republican House in five years. And then, Thompson had the starring role in the coup by which the Republicans stole the Senate, swearing in another loyal legislator, Dave Shapiro, as president. When the Democrats marched into court to contest the coup, no less than another Thompson protege. Attorney General Ty Fahner, would argue for the Republicans. (The Democratics call them "The Gang of Four," after the Chinese trials.)

Over the last four years, Thompson has gone from a public servant dedicated to sound fiscal policy to a politician determined to keep his state solvent while its neighbors go bankrupt. Balancing the budget used to be an admirable plank in anyone's platform. But thanks to the recession, budgets that show balances can now command a nomination. Thompson is among the handful of governors who have that kind of record. Presumably, he'll spend the next two years protecting it. In 1982, midway through Reagan's term, Thompson will be up for reelection. If he chooses to run, and wins a third term, by 1984 he will have served eight years as the governor of a major industrial state at the mercy of a national economy in recession. At least that's the point Thompson seemed to make when he returned from Washington to deliver the annual State of the State address February 3.

Thompson's speech was hardly the usual address (see box, page 4). He did list his priorities (and there were no surprises on his agenda): (1) balance the budget, (2) raise the gas tax to solve the transportation problem, (3) thaw out Illinois' frozen business climate, (4) limit property taxes. He called for the legislature to avoid an increase in general taxes; roll back the second half of the sales tax exemption for business; delay the removal of the third penny of state sales tax on food and nonprescription drugs; reduce or eliminate optional, not federally required, Medicaid benefits; continue to reduce the cost of worker's compensation and unemployment insurance; invest public employee pension funds; continue to convert state facilities to the use of Illinois coal; promote coal gasification; and create a "fast-track" review for the construction of other synfuel plants.

Thompson generally reinforced his fiscal theme song, "Stormy Weather," but only up to a point. It was when Thompson reached the business climate that he stopped addressing and started campaigning. He told his Republican audience what Carter had done wrong, what Reagan "should" do right, and what he, Thompson, would do in meantime. This was a speech that rallied the Republicans to the cause, that raised high the pro-business banner, that promised the Republicans the victory of victories — if they followed Thompson. It was just as well the Democrats weren't there.

"I believe that no General Assembly in recent history has faced so many grave challenges to the state of our great state. On the other hand, no Genral Assembly in recent history has been faced with so many opportunities to make its own mark, to make its own difference in the state of our state, in the quality of our lives. This 82nd General Assembly can go down in history as the Great Assembly."

"I am proud of the fact that we together have operated state government over the past four years as though the ceilings on taxes and spending that 1 have several times proposed, and that my side of the aisle has several times passed, had been in place. And it has given us the right to boast, as few, if any other states can boast, that our state government today in Illinois is running better and costing relatively less than it was four years ago today."

Earlier in his speech, though, Thompson had warned, "But let us make no mistake, from this day forward, in the bad times now upon us, that record is ours — this assembly's-to build on or to break."

Thompson knows the political pendulum has swung back to the Republican party. And he is aware of the opportunities for even more power: he knows the game; he knows the rules; he knows the score. But it is the budget he unveils in March — and Republican reaction to that budget — that will test again whether Thompson is the right man for the job. And it is those planned trips to Washington that may tell whether he's in the right place at the right time.

March 1981/Illinois Issues/2