Arends' retirement sets off power struggle in Illinois delegation

OLD POLITICIANS give way inevitably to younger ones. And whoever is kept waiting on the outside will be pounding away at the gates of power. Sentimentality and tradition can easily become blemished by ambition. This year there was a special sense of urgency in the U.S. House of Representatives about the need for shaking some life into the system. The exodus of experienced Republicans and the committee seniority reforms of the Democratic Party changed the patterns of power in the House — and in both party delegations from Illinois.

Sharing common interests, state delegations form a convenient framework for party affairs in the House — committee assignments, for example. In a body so large, committee opportunities are crucial to a congressional career. For many years the senior Republican from Illinois, Rep. Leslie C. Arends of Melvin, supervised the assignments of his fellow Illinois Republicans. A congressman for 40 years and part of the party leadership since 1943, Arends was disappointed that he was not chosen to succeed Gerald R. Ford as party leader. When the post went to Rep. John J. Rhodes of Mesa, Arizona, Arends retired.

Although California, Ohio, New York and Pennsylvania all have as many or more Republicans in the House as Illinois, the delegation holds two of the three leadership positions. One major reason for this is that five of the Illinois Republicans in the House are in the top 17 in party seniority. The new senior Illinois Republican, Rep. Robert H. Michel of Peoria, inherited Arends' position as Republican whip (assistant leader) and also succeeded him as Illinois representative on the party's Committee on Committees.

But not without a struggle within the delegation. Arends had always admired Michel's staunch conservatism. Rep. John N. Erienborn of DuPage County made a token race against him for party whip. More significantly, a Percy-brand moderate. Rep. John B. Anderson of Rockford, challenged Michel's succession to the. committee assignment privilege. Anderson holds the minority's third leadership post as chairman of the Republican conference or caucus. Both have served on important committees for a long time, Michel on Appropriations, Anderson on Rules. If Rhodes' job were to become vacant, there would likely be a collision between the two Illinoisans. The battle would revive familiar tensions in the party, between conservatives and the branch variously labeled progressive, moderate, or "me-too," depending on the labeler. Anderson's independence sometimes leaves him open to accusations of disloyalty to the team. But this year, with the ranks of the conservatives decimated by the last election, he had less difficulty than before holding on as conference chairman. All but three of the senior Republicans in the last House chose not to run or were defeated in November.

Anderson's assault on Michel's power inside the 11-man delegation was less fruitful, however. Anderson is an impressive orator and Erienborn a master legislative tactician, but neither is the superb in-House politician that Michel is. For example, when Rep. George M. O'Brien took his seat from the Joliet district in 1973, Michel made it a point to invite him to the fabled Burning Tree Club for a round of golf. As it happened, O'Brien represented the swing vote in the delegation this year, and it went to Michel. Anderson had Erienborn, two experienced moderates, Reps. Paul Findley of Pittsfield and Robert McClory of Lake Bluff, and a survivor (like O'Brien) from the Class of '73, Rep. Edward R. Madigan of Lincoln.

Michel started with the support of the third power center in the delegation — the three-member conservative bloc from suburban Cook County that is led by Rep. Edward J. Derwinski of Flossmoor. As the ranking Republican on the Post Office and Civil Service Committee, Derwinski has hired former Rockford newspaperman Joseph Fisher for the committee staff. Fisher was press aide to the late Sen. Ralph T. Smith, and his new association may well be an indication of Derwinski's broader political plans. Michel was assured of the backing of the other two suburban conservatives, Reps. Philip M. Crane of Mount Prospect, who landed a much-sought-after opening on the Ways and Means Committee, and first-termer Henry J. Hyde of Park Ridge, plus Rep. Tom Railsback of Moline.

Ideologically, Railsback is closer to Anderson than Michel. But during the many years when Arends controlled committee assignments, Michel earned Railsback's gratitude by protecting the young moderate from the vengeance of the Old Guard leader.

If, because of economic conditions, congressional Republicans suffer further reverses in 1976, the minority could be ripe for the kind of rebellion that struck the Democratic caucus this time. Right now, however, if Rhodes were to be dumped, Michel would be a sure bet to take over. Whether Anderson will ever be in a position to tackle Michel and hope to win will depend more than anything else on how many of which variety of Republicans are elected.

Meanwhile, the majority party — the Democrats — took the committee assignment authority away from one group and gave it to another. How the exercise of power in the Illinois delegation was altered by that upheaval will be the subject of next month's column.

May 1975/Illinois Issues/159