Chicago

Latinos—Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans—a divided community

MENTION the Spanish speaking community and right away you're likely to raise the question: How large is Chicago's Latino population? The census bureau says 247,343—including some 82,000 of Mexican origin, 79,000 Puerto Rican and 14,000 Cubans.

But just about everybody agrees the official figures are low; the figure generally used by community leaders is a half million. In addition, there are sizable colonies elsewhere in the state.

Part of the dispute over the size of the Spanish speaking population is purely statistical. Latinos claim the census takers overlooked many of their people. Migrant workers are easily overlooked; even in the city many Latinos change their addresses often. Then too, there are the illegals—Latinos in this country illegally—and nobody knows how many they are. The unofficial guess by the immigration people puts the number between 250,000 and 500,000, mostly Mexican.

Whatever their number, Latinos have not made a noticeable impact on the political system. There is one judge, one county board member and one University of Illinois trustee. That's about the extent of Latinos in elective office and even they are relative newcomers.

Part of the problem is the transitory nature of the lives of many Latinos. Party workers complain that many—in some areas most—Latinos are not registered to vote. But that complaint is only partly valid; in some neighborhoods Latinos have been residents longer than other immigrants; South Chicago, for example, has had Mexican residents since the turn of the century.

Puerto Rican immigration came later; the major influx came in the 1950's and 1960's. The Cubans are the late arrivals, most coming to Chicago after Fidel Castro's takeover in 1959. They are mostly middle and upper middle class with professional or paraprofessional backgrounds.

As refugees they have little hope of returning to Cuba. Other Latinos, however, cling to their native land, many regarding their lives here as an interlude before returning "home" again. This has slowed efforts to mold the Latino community into a political force.

The near zero clout of the Latino is traceable, in part, to the divided nature of the Spanish community. Although they put on a solid front to the outsider, there are deep divisions between Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Cubans and South Americans. Despite a common language there are substantial differences in history, culture and customs. Even their communities are likely to be separate. Mexicans are concentrated in the South and near Southwest parts of Chicago; Puerto Ricans on the North and Northwest sides of the city.

Ironically, the very size of the Latino community works against it. In New York Puerto Ricans predominate, in Los Angeles Mexicans are the majority, Miami's Spanish community is largely Cuban. In Chicago no single group is big enough to dominate.

It is not without significance that many Latinos speak with envy about the "gains" made by the Black community—the other large minority group in Chicago—gains they trace to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jesse Jackson and other well-known Black leaders.

The Chicago Reporter, an authoritative source in minority affairs, recently compiled a list of 18 Latino leaders considered "influential" in their community. Of that number, three were from one family, three from a second family, two were husband and wife. Moreover, while the 18 are important in Latino affairs, it is unlikely they are well known to the public generally.

There are signs, however, that things are changing. Mayor Richard J. Daley's Democratic organization has opened the door slightly. In addition to Judge David Cerda, a second Latino. Jose R. Vazguez, has been appointed to the circuit court. Irene Castillo Hernandez was put on the ticket for county commissioner, and Arthur Velasquez Jr. elected a University of Illinois trustee.

Also a sign of growing political power is the fact that Gov. Dan Walker and Lt. Gov. Neil Hartigan—political rivals—both have Latino administrative assistants, and Daley has an assistant for Spanish speaking affairs. Not much considering the number of Latinos in a city where potential votes translate into influence, but an indication that change may be on the way.

At the moment, however, efforts to produce bloc voting in the Spanish community have failed. In a ward with a large Latino population, Adeline Keane, wife of convicted city council leader Tom Keane, was elected alderman of the 31st ward over a Latino candidate, and the vote was overwhelming. Similar appeals in other Spanish communities have not been successful.

Where there have been successes to date, they have been primarily in school matters. The Puerto Rican community has lobbied, successfully, for a new Roberto Clemente high school.

They are also putting their collective toes into the waters of lawsuits and this is stirring up waves. The Chicago office of the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare has launched a year-long investigation into charges of discrimination against Latinos by the Chicago Board of Education. A series of lawsuits has already been filed in federal court charging, among other things, that a majority of Latino students put into classes for the educationally handicapped were wrongly classified. All told, these are only beginnings, but they are signs the Latino community is finding its voice and, in time, that voice will be heard.