By CHARLES B. CLEVELAND
Chicago

City's new personnel system: A turnabout by the organization?

SUPPOSE the world did suddenly turn topsy-turvy and the sun emerged tomorrow out of the western sky. To most of us that would be pretty startling, but in another world — the world of politics — that would be pretty humdrum compared to the notion that Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago has turned advocate of civil service reform.

Yet, on paper at least that's just exactly what has happened. With Mayor Daley leading the way, Chicago has adopted a model personnel code, and it is likely that other major governments indirectly under Daley's control will follow suit.

Instead of a civil service commission which had been manipulated by politicians over the years, the city now has a personnel director. Testing procedures which always seemed to wind up heavily weighted toward political favorites have been abandoned. So too has a long standing practice of hiring temporary employees as a dodge around the merit system. Finally, city employees can no longer be solicited for political contributions.

If that's the way it works out, that's pretty close to having a leopard really change his spots. After all, Daley has run the city of Chicago as mayor for more than 20 years and has been chairman of the Cook County Democratic organization for even longer. To a large extent, he has become one of the most powerful men in the United States because of that dual role, and the basis of his strength has been control over jobs. Here's why.

Unlike downstate counties where precinct committeemen are elected, they are appointed in Cook County. They become the army of workers who, on election day, produce the votes that support the Democratic party. Over the years city jobs (and others under Daley's control) have been one inducement for a man or woman to become a precinct captain and, to a large extent, the better job the worker did in carrying his precinct for the Democrats, the better job he got in government.

Now suddenly it would appear that the ties are broken; no longer does a precinct captain have a guarantee of a job and promotion, and a person already in a city job won't have to work his precinct to keep his job.

As with the leopard and its spots, not everybody is convinced. Some of the independent members of the Chicago City Council who had themselves introduced similar legislation a few years ago (it was rejected then), aren't quite sure what to make of this switch. They suspect Daley has pulled a fast one and that there are enough loopholes to keep the system going pretty much as it has in the past.

Part of the dilemma comes from the fact that nationally the reformers themselves made a substantial change of policy. Originally (remember the Jacksonian era of spoils from your history books?) there was no merit system. An organization was formed called the National Civil Service League which felt there ought to be some legislation to guarantee a public employee system which was not dominated by patronage. They drafted a model civil service law. It has been revised seven times since it's beginning; the last time in 1971.

Professor Jean Coutourier of Northwestern University was national executive director of the league in 1971, and he explains why the key change was made from a separate civil service commission to the concept of a personnel director under the chief executive. "That sounds heretical because the league founded the commission form," Coutourier says, "but in 1970 we decided it was an anachronism because it did not permit the chief executive to hire and fire personnel on the basis of merit."

But there was a deeper reason: discrimination. Aid. Dick Simpson, one of the council independents and also a professor of political science at the University of Illinois Chicago Circle Campus, points out that only 1.7 per cent of the 45,000 city employees are Latin and only 18 per cent are women. "Not only that," he says, "but women are blocked from a whole series of positions; for example, there is not a single woman building inspector."

Discrimination, as a matter of fact, may underly the whole changeover in Chicago's personnel practices. Professor Coutourier says it was the factor in his League's decision: "The main reason the National Civil Service League undertook to revise the model code was that it found most civil service commissions were racist, as well as regressive and rigid."

The problem of discrimination has given Mayor Daley a multi-million dollar headache. Federal Judge Prentice Marshall found the city guilty of discrimination in its police department hiring and promotion and has held up its operation for months, finally ordering special quotas of minorities be hired until a balanced force is attained. Among other problems, the court's ruling has held up millions of dollars in federal aid.

These problems, coupled with a series of other legal decisions undermining the traditional patronage ties to the party, may be the real reason for the apparent turnabout by the Daley machine. But even here there are still unanswered questions of whether it is true reform, albeit reluctant, or just a sleight-of-hand change in the name of the system.

And that's the way reform came to Chicago. Or did it ? 

30 / March 1976 / Illinois Issues


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