Inside the Senate: Factions and issues

IT WAS a classic case of the tough kids on the block reluctantly accepting the fact they could no longer steamroll the weak ones into submission. Long accustomed to getting what they wanted when they wanted it, Chicago Democrats found themselves up against a feisty group of independent and downstate senators demanding a piece of the legislative action. In the end, the Chicagoans yielded; they gave up a little to keep a lot. Insofar as the division of spoils is concerned, it's that simple. But, although both sides might now respect one another's grit and power, the acrimony and intrigue of battle linger. "It's going to be a tough session by anyone's standard," predicted Sen. Philip J. Rock (D., Chicago), the mediator widely credited with settling the drawn out fight for the Senate presidency. After five weeks of monotonous and often pedantic negotiations failed to produce a Senate president, Rock entered the negotiations and brought the Chicago faction and the independents together. The settlement was reached at 5:40 a.m. on February 16. "There is some residual ill will that will not easily go away," he continued. "Hopefully we can keep it to a minimum, but it's going to be a difficult thing to forget." What this means to Illinois citizens and the representation they receive from their senators is not clear. But one thing is certain: the usual legislative battles and imbroglios will continue, the only question being one of degree.

Chicago Democrats, led by the man they finally got elected, Thomas C. Hynes (D., Chicago), were quickly quarreling with Gov. James Thompson's budget recommendations for education. Hynes was in Chicago March 7 to meet with Chicago Acting Mayor Michael Bilandic, and the mayor agreed that Thompson was overly conservative in his revenue estimates for fiscal year 1978. Thompson's estimates, it was argued, shortchanged the state's school children, particularly Chicago's. Hynes reacted just moments after Thompson's budget message of March 2, which was combined with the governor's State of the State Speech, by saying he will seek increased appropriations for education, ignoring the governor's pleas for austerity.

Almost two months before he released his budget, Thompson warned that the legislature must keep new state spending at no more than $311 million if a major tax increase — sales or income — is to be avoided. Democrats, especially those from Chicago, didn't seem to be listening. The question now is over what kind of deals can be worked out in legislative trade-offs that will benefit most senators and Thompson. Nobody wants a tax increase, but Thompson will probably be seen as the villain by the public if there is one. Thompson's State of the State declaration that "the war is over" between the governor and the General Assembly — a direct smack at former Gov. Daniel Walker, who for four years feuded bitterly with the legislature — seems to have fallen on deaf ears. There is a very real war and most of the bitterness will come over the education budget. As one senator put it: "It's going to be bloody. There's no way around it." Chicago Democrat Art Berman, consistently in Hynes' camp in the presidency battle, is chairman of the Senate Elementary and Secondary Education Committee, a key spot in any legislative session. Committee leaders determine the thrust of legislation sent to the floor for consideration, and since the education issue is expected to be an even more bitter battle than usual, Berman's position is pivotal. With Chicago regular Democrat Howard W. Carroll chairing the Appropriations I Committee, Hynes and his compatriots from Chicago are still in control of the committees that handle legislation vital to Chicago's interests. Berman is ready for a confrontation with the Republican governor. "Thompson's figure of $75 million for elementary and secondary education is illusory," he charged. "In fact, after you take $30 million off the top for pensions, there's hardly anything left in real dollars for the schools. The level of funding recommended by the governor will merely compound our

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problems." Those are not words of conciliation. Berman did say that some special programs, of which there are "about 60," might be cut or funded at a later date through the resource equalizer formula. But, he admitted, cuts in bilingual, special education or gifted children programs will bring hordes of angry lobbyists and parents to the Capitol looking for blood. There is little need in asking who Chicago Democrats would rather fight with — lobbyists and parents, or a Republican governor seeking reelection in 1978 and perhaps the White House shortly thereafter. Any Democrat would betray his or her political instincts by passively agreeing with Thompson's conservative increases in education and other state programs. Another key struggle will be over the Regional Transportation Authority (RTA). Because just about everyone believes Illinois is in a fiscal pinch (although no legislator is eager to spare any expense that benefits his or her district), money issues will be bitterly debated. Few subjects so strongly divide the General Assembly as the controversial RTA. Lawmakers from the collar counties around Chicago have been screaming since the RTA's inception that they have been shortchanged in the distribution of transportation tax money. Sen. Bill Morris, an independent Democrat from Waukegan, said, "We need regional transportation, the RTA needs to survive, but my people are getting killed the way it now exists. We put in $5 million and get about $400,000 back. We want a redistribution of the wealth."

Senate Democrats FOR 185 ballots the Senate Democrats were divided into three factions in their attempt as the majority party to select the president of the Senate. Thomas C. Hynes, the candidate of the 21 "regulars" finally won on the 186th ballot February 16. The nine "independents" and the four members of the "black caucus" supported Terry Bruce of Olney for president. Regulars Arthur L. Berman, Chicago Howard W. Carroll, Chicago Charles Chew, Jr., Chicago Richard S. Clewis, Chicago Richard M. Daley, Chicago John A. D'Arco, Chicago James H. Donnewald, Breese Robert J. Egan, Chicago Thomas C. Hynes, Chicago Gene Johns, Marion John L. Knuppel, Virginia Norbert A. Kosinski, Chicago Robert T. Lane, South Holland Leroy W. Lemke, Chicago Samuel C. Maragos, Chicago John Merlo, Chicago Richard J. Guidice, Chicago Philip J. Rock, Chicago Frank D. Savickas, Chicago Fred J. Smith, Chicago Sam Vadalabene, Edwardsville Independents Terry L. Bruce, Olney Kenneth V. Buzbee, Carbondale Vince Demuzio, Carlinville Vivian V. Hickey, Rockford Jerome J. Joyce, Kankakee Bill Morris, Waukegan Dawn dark Netsch, Chicago George E. Sangmeister, Mokena Don Wooten, Rock Island Black Caucus Earlean Collins, Oak Park Kenneth Hall, East St. Louis Richard Newhouse, Chicago Harold Washington, Chicago

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In a note of optimism, Morris said, "The Senate president fight will allow us to be more sensitive to each other. The Chicago Democrats must now realize that RTA as it currently operates is bad for my district." Because the independents gained a good deal of influence in the battle for the presidency, they may be able to force the restructuring of the RTA on Chicago Democrats, with Republican assistance. "I don't think there will be any way we can stop some type of anti-RTA legislation," said Rock. "There will either be a move to reorganize it or limit its authority. It's going to fly." The six-county transportation agency is in terrible shape, facing a proposed $56 million deficit for fiscal year 1978. Its directors have said they will lobby vigorously in Springfield for more funds. Legislative action on RTA will be heated, at the least.

The elections of 1978 could have a far greater impact on the type of representation Illinois citizens receive in their state Senate. "There are 40 senators up for reelection," said Rock. "That will tell us a lot about the future of the Senate." More will be learned in 1981 when the constitutionally mandated redistricting begins. The task will be monumental and the fights ferocious. Independents are anxious for both events and believe they can pry even more influence and power away from the Chicago regular Democrats. As a seasoned House member said shortly after the death of Mayor Daley, "It will no longer be possible to win a state election just in the city of Chicago. It was happening already. There has been and will continue to be a broadening of the Democratic party."

Despite contrary perceptions, the fact is that Chicago Democrats were not badly weakened by their concessions to the independents — 13 independent and downstate senators united to hold up Hynes' election. The Chicagoans still control the most important committees, although independents now chair 6 of the 18 standing committees. Besides winning the ultimate battle of getting Hynes elected, regular Democrats control these vital committees: Appropriations I, Elementary and Secondary Education, Labor, Elections, Revenue, Insurance, Transportation and the Civil Judiciary. With Senate President Hynes exercising the right to send legislation to any committee he wishes, Chicago Democrats are still the toughest kids on the block. Splitting committees was one way of incorporating the independents into the power structure, but Hynes can easily bypass their committees and send the most important legislation to committees controlled by his supporters. The split in judiciary is a perfect example of what are largely cosmetic concessions.

Sen. Richard M. Daley (D., Chicago), was, from the start of the Senate struggle, the object of the dissidents' wrath. After his father died December 20, they were more determined than ever before to gain a stronger voice in the Senate. Calling for "participatory democracy," they openly warned that Daley would no longer control the upper chamber of the Illinois General Assembly. Yet, Sen. Daley offered to split his Judiciary Committee, asking only that he keep the civil side where legislation dear to the hearts of Chicago's business and corporate interests is considered. Because Capitol observers love nothing more than being able to immediately label the winners and losers in the legislative shootouts, it was quickly reported Delay had suffered immensely. While he did "lose" in the sense giving independents some of what they demanded, Daley gave up very little in splitting the Judiciary Committee

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with Sen. Dawn dark Netsch, a Chicago independent whose politics are opposite to the Chicago regulars. As Netsch herself said, "We were told from the start that Daley wanted one thing — Judiciary — so we never considered asking to split his committee. The offer came from Hynes, with, I am sure, Richie's approval. I wanted either Revenue or Appropriations, and they wouldn't give me that."

Netsch, who along with Morris, is one of the most candid members of the Senate, had more to say about the results of the historical struggle. "If we won anything, it was to make the point that we demand to be consulted from now on. We will be consulted. We proved we're tough enough and strong enough to insure that we will be consulted. Downstate has always been pushed around by the Chicago guys, some of whom have been grossly insensitive to the concerns of the rest of the state. That's all over." And, she added, "If a pattern of retribution develops, we will convince them [through the media] that 13 people are an awful lot to take on."

Among all the gloomy predictions is some mild optimism. Sen. Terry Bruce (D., Olney), the candidate supported through 186 ballots by the independents and now an assistant majority leader, said, "I'm very happy with the outcome. We didn't achieve all that we wanted to, but the blacks finally achieved the right of self determination."

A nondebatable demand from the four black senators in the Bruce camp was the right to choose Sen. Kenneth Hall (D., East St. Louis), as their leadership spokesman. Hynes had said he would choose a Chicago black,' Democrat Sen. Charles Chew. "And," Bruce added, "we proved downstate must be considered before deciding anything. The whole fight highlighted that the Senate is a changing body."

Indeed it is. As recently as 1968 there were just four downstate Democrats in the Senate; today there are 13. Add the four members of the black caucus and there are 17 non-organization senators of 34 Democrats,, although Hynes consistently pulled 21 votes. Nevertheless, as Morris put it, "Chicago can no longer ram things down our throat. They must listen to us and ask us before anything is decided." Finally, a piece of the action was all the independents really wanted. "We don't have any major goals," Bruce explained. "We don't plan on developing any major programs. Our role isn't going to change dramatically. We just wanted access to the power and information." While such demands from independents as phones at every lawmaker's desk seemed frivolous to the public, it did gain a measure of influence for the "Crazy Eight" (as the nine independent senators are called — they had Democratic Sen. George Sangmeister of Mokena with them to make them nine in this 80th General Assembly). But, Chicago regulars, regrouping after the sudden December death of Mayor Richard J. Daley, maintained control over most of the things important to them. It was, as one observer quipped after the final, exhausting night of negotiations, a "fight where everybody's claiming they've won. That means they all lost, too."

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