The state of the State

Democrats slate Bakalis, Dixon, Seith and other loyal members

CERTAINLY the November 15 Illinois Democratic State Central Committee's slatemaking session was an example of individuals practicing a hazardous occupation. The Democrats, in announcing their endorsements for statewide offices after three weeks of deliberation were risking more than the immediate success or failure of the candidates they slated. Since the strength of the statewide ticket affects many local races for the legislature, Democrats could lose their majority control in both or either of the legislative chambers next year if the top of their ticket is not attractive. And, considering the list of big-name Democrats who balked at the slatemaker's choices, (including U.S. Sen. Adlai E. Stevenson III, Sec'y. of State Alan J. Dixon, and former gubernatorial candidate Michael J. Howlett) the ticket isn't very attractive.

Balance in legislature
This is especially important in the Senate. There, the present balance of power is only slightly in the Democrats' favor — they hold 34 seats to the Republicans' 25 (with 30 votes needed to control on most issues). Moreover, 40 of the Senate seats are up for election next year. If Republicans gain five seats they can control the body, and any gains they make will be long-lasting since all the contested seats carry four-year terms. What makes this election even more crucial is the fact that whoever controls the legislature after the 1980 census will be in the driver's seat when it comes to redistricting. Under the 1970 state Constitution (Article IV, sec. 3), state congressional and legislative districts must be redrawn after each federal census. Thus, the 40 Senators elected in November will still be in the Senate at redistricting time in 1981.

But to get back to the slatemaking session of the state Democrats; it was a juggling act with six big nominations in the air. When it was over, Alex R. Seith got the nomination for the U.S. Senate, beating out former Chicago Alderman William S. Singer, an independent who had been known to give the regular Democrats fits of embarrassment before his recent conversion to supplicant's status.

Seith, a 43-year-old lawyer and foreign policy expert, won the party backing unanimously — an indication that party regulars wanted one of their own at the top spot on their ticket. Seith's victory may also have been symbolic of the cautious mood of the slatemakers. Some veteran pols said that Singer would have been more helpful to the ticket in Cook County, where his name was better known, but Seith got the nod, despite the remarkably slow start of his campaign in terms of both contributions and public response. Clearly, they felt that Seith, a longtime loyal party man, resident intellectual and young turk, deserved the party's endorsement more than maverick Singer. Singer may never be forgiven.

At any rate, the Democrats chose candidates who had been loyal and had firm and lengthy connections with the party, not newcomers or outsiders. They endorsed: Michael J. Bakalis for governor, Alan J. Dixon for secretary of state, Richard J. Troy for attorney general, Jerome A. Cosentino for state treasurer, and Roland W. Burris for comptroller.

The Bakalis and Dixon endorsements were cut and dried. It would have been a heart-stopping surprise had the central committee slated someone other than Bakalis for governor or million-vote-getter Dixon for secretary of state (the only apparent likely winner on the ticket at this point).

In the three contested slots on the ticket, candidates with Chicago backing emerged victorious over those with downstate support. For example, Troy, a Chicago Metropolitan Sanitary District member, won out over fellow Chicagoan Patrick T. Murphy in the fight for the attorney general's nomination. While Murphy had strong downstate backing (including 14 of 24 committee members), Mathew W. Bieszczat, a powerful committeeman in Chicago's 26th ward, demanded that his son-in-law Troy be slated. Reports were that Bieszczat threatened an internal party "bloodbath" if Troy were not slated. Troy was slated.

Burris, a black Chicagoan, also edged out his downstate competitor for the comptroller nod, Rep. Richard N. Luft of Pekin. Luft had hoped for downstate support, but much of it fell apart at the last minute despite six months of careful planning. Trade-offs were apparently made, giving blacks representation on the ticket. Blacks are an increasingly powerful faction within the regular Democratic party in Illinois because they consistently turn out at elections in large numbers and overwhelmingly back machine candidates.

The slating of Cosentino, likewise appeared to be a gesture to demands for ethnic balance by Chicago Democrats. Since the death of the late Mayor and kingmaker Richard J. Daley, Italians, Greeks, Blacks, Latinos and other minorities have been maneuvering for a larger role in party leadership. That Cosentino beat out Lake County Clerk Grace Mary Stern for the treasurer spot was also a victory for Chicago labor, which strongly backed Cosentino, a Metropolitan Sanitary District commissioner and the president of a trucking firm that was recently found in violation of Interstate Commerce Commission regulations on expense accounts.

Democrats omit woman
The defeat of Stern, besides being a blow to party women, upset Dixon and may have hurt him politically. Dixon, the incumbent secretary of state, had openly backed Stern before the slatemakers, obviously hoping to have a

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2/ January 1978/ Illinois Issues

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woman on his side since the lone Republican candidate for secretary of state is Sharon S. Sharp of Arlington Heights. Sharp has already begun to mount an intense campaign, capitalizing on her status as a non-officeholder.

Dixon openly broke with the slatemaker's ticket November 29 when Bakalis failed to pick a woman for his running mate, and instead chose Richard Durbin, a Springfield attorney. Dixon made it clear that he wanted improvements in the slatemaking process, "if it is kept at all." He said he would have preferred a better balance of downstate and Chicago candidates, as well as the inclusion of a woman. Some of Dixon's fears about the lack of a woman Democratic candidate may have been exacerbated by threats from some female Democrats to support Sharp unless a woman candidate was slated.

Other Republicans also appear formidable. Republicans do not hold a slatemaking session, but instead allow primary election voters to pick their candidates unaided by recommendation from the central committee. Yet it appears certain that U.S. Sen. Charles H. Percy, Gov. James R. Thompson, Lt. Gov. Dave O'Neal and Atty. Gen. William J. Scott will all seek reelection.

But there is fierce competition for the GOP nomination for treasurer and for comptroller. The comptroller's battle is particularly interesting. Former House Speaker W. Robert Blair, an aggressive campaigner and something of a political wizard, has announced for the office, as has John W. Castle who has the backing of Gov. Thompson. In fact, Castle switched from the treasurer's race to comptroller's race after talking with Thompson. Blair is convinced that Thompson persuaded Castle to run for comptroller as a means of keeping the controversial, once-mighty Blair off the Republican ticket — since Blair's presence on the ticket in November might draw attention away from Thompson. Also seeking the nomination is Robert J. Gray of Springfield, a former head of the Illinois Jaycees.

Meanwhile, the Republican treasurer race pits James M. Skelton, Champaign County treasurer, against state Sen. Bradley M. Glass, of Northfield.

12/ January 1978 / Illinois Issues