By DIANE ROSS Legislative Action

The feud over rules in the House

WHY didn't the General Assembly solve Chicago's mass transit problems before the RTA crisis of April 1, May 1 or June 1? Why the big partisan brawl over statewide grand juries? Of course, it's because the Republicans control of the House this year and the Democrats control the Senate. But that's only part of the answer.

Why haven't you heard more about other issues, like worker's compensation? Why the silence during April and May on reapportionment? Perhaps the legislative two-week vacation in the middle of April is the answer.

Then why did the House Democrats block a host of agency appropriations bills? And why didn't the Senate Republicans pass the rollback of tax relief for manufacturers and farmers that the governor asked for? Perhaps it's because the Republicans don't vote together and the Democrats do.

Why the constant uproar in the House? Don't the Republicans know what to do when they finally control the majority? But perhaps it's because the 177 House members are in a quandry knowing the "Cutback Amendment" will turn 59 of them into dead ducks after reapportionment.

The answer to all these questions is one word: politics. This is Illinois where the two parties clash and the geographic areas still slug it out. Except, the state this time seems so fractured, no one appears able to lead or deal like the old days. Reapportionment may kill the Democratic party, if the RTA doesn't do it first. It's the fiercest political-geographical-strategical fight for years in the General Assembly.

In May, the hijinks were pretty much confined to the House, but then the House always has a high tolerance for comic relief. In June, however, when the record of this session is being written, the traveling elephant-and-donkey show was expected to trot across the rotunda to the more sedate Senate, which generally has little patience for playacting. The more dignified Senate prefers high drama — or none at all.

It all started in March, when Republican George Ryan, in his new role as House speaker, used a heavy-handed, machine-gun gavel approach to the first order of business — adoption of the session rules. That's when Democrat Mike Madigan began to find his stride in his new role of minority leader. Needless to say, the Ryan-Madigan feud was still going on in late May when the crossfire threatened to enflame the House at the deadline for each succeeding order of business: committee action on all bills, floor action on substantive bills and floor action on appropriations bills.

In the meantime, the House never did get around to adopting any rules — permanent, temporary or otherwise. That meant this session was governed by last session's rules. That also meant this session's deadlines were based on last year's dates — what was a Friday deadline last year turned into a Monday deadline this year. And nothing sets off an uproar in the House like weekend sessions in May.

First came the deadline for the introduction of bills. That surprised many House members who didn't appear to know they were stuck with last year's dates. (Ryan may have stumbled onto the way to cut down the deluge of bills that usually inundates the House.) Only about 2,000 bills were introduced in the House this session, less than half the usual 4,500 filed in an odd-numbered year.

Then came May 1, the deadline for committee action on all bills. Madigan wanted to extend that deadline a week to accommodate a number of Democratic legislators whose newly introduced bills suddenly had no chance for consideration.

Then came the big one — the May 18 deadline for floor action on substantive bills. Ryan had said again and again that he intended to hold to the deadline. But when the House convened that morning, there were still about 250 bills on the calendar, including top Republican priorities (chiefly H.B. 677, Atty. Gen. Tyrone Fahner's statewide grand juries bill). And there were key Democratic bills to consider.

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By that night Madigan had second-guessed Ryan's strategy to let the clock run until the Republican majority voted to extend the deadline. Ignoring Madigan's screaming protest that last year's rules required a roll call on a suspension of rules, the speaker (actually Rep. Pete Peters of Chicago in the chair) allowed a voice vote, and wham-bam, thank-you ma'am, the deadline was suspended to May 20.

Technically, Ryan had won that round; the floor deadline had been extended for 48 hours. But the extension couldn't save H.B. 677, the Fahner bill on statewide grand juries.

H.B. 677 had already failed once on Friday, May 15, falling eight votes short of the 89 needed for passage. Gov. James R. Thompson, who selected Fahner as a potential running mate next year, stepped in to put the pressure on House Republicans to pass Fahner's statewide grand juries bill. It was Fahner's No. 1 legislative priority and most important plank in his platform. But unfortunately for Thompson — and even more for Fahner — it still wasn't enough. As the deadline ran out on May 20, the last eight elephants refused to line up.

Without enough time left May 20 to consider all bills, the speaker (actually Rep. Lee Daniels of Elmhurst in the chair) allowed a voice vote on a motion to consign all remaining bills on third reading to the spring calendar. Again Madigan protested to no avail. (Those bills remain alive for next spring when they can be called for final vote without further committee hearings.)

Then came May 22, the fourth and final house-of-origin deadline for House floor action on appropriations bills. As usual, most of the appropriations bills were still on the calendar. But this time there was mutual agreement to extend the deadline 10 days to June 1; the motion to suspend the rules passed on a unanimous roll call vote. Ryan didn't have to second-guess Madigan's strategy: the House Democrats held a news conference to announce their intent to "boycott" floor action on appropriations bills. In other words they intended to vote as a bloc against Republican-sponsored budget bills. That meant that unless all 91 Republicans were present — and united — the 86 Democrats could prevent passage of any appropriations bill they wished. (The various agencies of state government need new appropriations bills to operate after July 1, when the new fiscal year begins.)

Madigan's strategy was not so much the promotion of a Democratic alternative to Thompson's budget as it was a political protest against Ryan's flouting of the rules. And it worked. Appropriations bills for some agencies including the Department of Transportation and the Department of Revenue failed to pass the House by the deadline. Who knows what else Madigan might try to block as the House considers the Senate's bills? All bills — including appropriations — must pass both houses and be signed by Thompson to be enacted.

The showdown on the appropriations deadline between Madigan and Ryan came on the attorney general's appropriations bill. This time Ryan himself was in the chair. He asked the clerk to "take the record"; the electronic vote board lit up with the required 89 green lights. Madigan immediately demanded a verification that the 89 voters were on the floor. Once again, Ryan ignored Madigan, and gaveled Fahner's bill duly passed.

By June 2, the House was considering Senate bills and the Senate was considering House bills. The process had begun all over again — with the final deadline for all action June 30.

But by June 2, the House and the Senate, the governor and the Chicago mayor, and just about every Democrat and Republican in the state were caught up in the RTA crisis. Meanwhile, the House and Senate did take initial action on a number of other issues.

Summarized below are key bills that passed or failed their house of origin in the following areas: elementary education, pensions, pay raises, motor vehicles, and other state government issues such as statewide grand juries, open meetings, open records and gubernatorial succession.

Key bills in other areas, such as multi-bank holding, worker's comp, unemployment insurance, business tax relief and farmland assessment, will be featured next month.

24/July 1981/Illinois Issues