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Politics

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Poltics first, Reagonomics next

By BARBARA J. HIPSMAN and BOB SPRINGER

NOW THAT March's primary elections are over, the General Assembly will begin, in earnest, the spring legislative session. That's another way of saying that fall electioneering now gets under way. There will be plenty of campaigning in the next three months from the floors of the House and Senate chambers.

But this spring is not likely to be usual, by any definition — even if the election around the corner is acknowledged. Many of the usual standards for measuring a legislative session probably should be thrown out.

Lingering over Illinois' Statehouse (and those of the 49 other states) like the sharpened blade of a readied guillotine is President Reagan's revolutionary "New Federalism." Reagan would alter the way governments in this country, for the past 50 years, have delivered social services. He wants the states to take over many of these services, after he cuts out much of their financing. In a measure of pacification, Reagan would have Washington assume control, and costs, of the expensive and forever-burgeoning Medic-aid health care program.

In a twist of Pirandello's play, "Six Characters in Search of an Author," the assembly this spring should debut the long-running: "A Billion ($$$) Questions in Search of an Answer." Simply put: Can Illinois' lawmakers meet Reagan's enormous challenge?

The answer, culled from interviews with rank-and-file Democratic legislators, is a deafening "No." (Republicans will be interviewed in a subsequent column.) At least not this year, they say, not with an important election looming. Not with the first general election without cumulative voting

coming up. Not yet, with the first election under new House and Senate district boundaries, realigned by the tortured redistricting process. The watchword this spring, the legislators echoed, will be "caution." Rep. Harold Katz (D., Glencoe) termed it "timidity." (Katz will not seek reelection.) Not that there aren't pressing issues:

•   Roads across Illinois continue an expensive crumble, the pace quickened by a harsh winter.

•  The Chicago-area Regional Transportation Authority isn't any less broke than a year ago when the assembly fell into polarized factions and failed to reassemble on how best to ensure uninterrupted bus and commuter rail service in the heavily populated quarter.

•  The state's purse has been ripped open at the bottom by industrial sales tax relief more generous than its architects dreamed. More significantly, the tax coins of retail sales, individual and corporate income and kickbacks from the national government haven't jingle-jangled into the purse's top.

•  The economy in Illinois, it's no secret, has been rotten. Making matters worse, former President Carter started, and now Reagan continues more deeply, the U.S. budget-cutting that has cost Illinois hundreds of millions of dollars since 1980.

•  Schools face the possibility of no increases in state financial support for general instruction, while their fixed costs go up and their class sizes, teacher payrolls and federal aid shrink.

"Those are all tough issues and they're hard to ignore," says Rep. Alan Greiman (D., Skokie). "But when the session's all through, 1 think we'll ignore them."

It isn't that there are no other, worthwhile causes that some feel need legislative inquiry and, perhaps, resolution.

There's concern over growing costs to heat and light homes and factories. Rep. John Matijevich (D., North Chicago), thinks skyrocketing utility bills foster more resentment in Illinoisans than do ever-rising property taxes. Not optimistic, he and a handful of lawmakers think the General

2/April 1982/Illinois Issues


Assembly should — this spring — restrict the Illinois Commerce Commission's rate-setting powers, especially with $1.4 billion in requested higher annual electric and gas rates before the commission.

Illinois coal, in abundant supply but poor demand because of its pollutants, should be the subject of legislation to promote its use, says Marion Democratic Sen. Gene Johns and many Southern lllinoisans. Given the state's high jobless and public aid rolls, they think now is the time to promote Illinois coal, despite opponents who say increased use of the high-sulfur coal means shrunken profits for those who depend on coal or the electricity it generates.

Despite those and many other concerns, some legislators feel the operative mode for many this spring will be to "slide" quickly and quietly through the session and on to November. Freeport Democratic Sen. James Gitz, himself in a tough reelection contest, is pessimistic. If lawmakers can at all manage it, Gitz thinks they would just as well let Gov. Thompson worry about Reaganomics and balancing a state budget pummeled by declining revenues and shrill cries from the state's program clients.

On one issue, though, Gitz expects action. "I think we'll see the biggest pension giveaway we've ever seen," he says. Gitz worries that the large number of "lame ducks" may be too eager to fatten their already portly retirement plans — at the expense and ire of taxpayers.

Because of the Cutback, reapportionment and other factors, nearly half the sitting House will not return to the chamber in January. A score will have been ousted in primary or general election races against other incumbents. A score are leaving for Senate bids. A few seek federal or state office; the bulk are Cutback and remap victims. There'll no doubt be plenty of movement in Springfield before June 30, a rarely encountered end. But with the legislature facing no less than a call by Reagan to overthrow nearly three generations of government habit, we are reminded of Hemingway's admonition: "Never confuse movement with action."□

April 1982/Illinois Issues/3


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