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By ED McMANUS Chicago's mayoral primary
FEBRUARY in Chicago. It's a time of snowfalls and shivers and, every four years, politics. This is one of those years, and an extraordinary one at that --- a year that finds three major candidates facing off for the Democratic mayoral nomination in the biggest free-for-all this city has seen in recent political history. There is Jane Byrne, the incumbent, Chicago's first woman mayor, who made snow her issue in 1979 and sprung an incredible upset. There is Richard M. Daley, Cook County state's attorney, but, more important, the son of the late Mayor Richard J. Daley — the son, indeed, of Byrne's mentor. And there is Congressman Harold Washington, a black man — the first serious black contender for the Chicago mayoralty. To attempt, in January, to pick a winner among the three would be folly. In fact, if you thought the gubernatorial race was close, take a look at Chicago. It could wind up as a three-way tie. Byrne has had a stormy term of office, and her opponents hope to convince the electorate that she has been an unstable leader not fit to be mayor. The trouble is, they are having some problems convincing people that they can do better. Many view Daley as having little to offer other than his name. And while Washington is a respected legislator, there are incidents in his past record that raise questions about his integrity. Thirty-three of the 50 Democratic ward committeemen voted to "slate" Byrne for the nomination in November. But that means something only if (1) the 33 remain loyal to her (some may not) and (2) they are able to get out the vote for her (and many may not). The remaining committeemen support Daley, who has a strong base on the southwest side, or Washington, who obviously has a lock on much of the black community. Daley was considered by many observers to be the front runner at the outset of the campaign, mainly because he had led Byrne in several polls, but those were taken before Washington entered the race. The black community, generally disillusioned with Byrne, would have gone to Daley in a two-person race, but many black votes are being deflected to Washington. Byrne has by far the most money available — more than $3 million — and she has been using it since early in the campaign to buy television commercials which effectively portray a "New Jane" — a calm and serious person who took over a city government which was in chaos and has single-handedly straightened it out. Byrne campaigned in 1979 as a protegee of the late Mayor Daley, but she has since blamed him for many of the city's present fiscal problems. Nevertheless, many Chicagoans yearn for a return to those Daley years and his "city that works," and that's the biggest thing Rich Daley has going for him — he represents an opportunity to go back to having a Daley as mayor. But even many of his supporters admit he can't hold a candle to his father, and some observers say he's just not bright enough to be mayor. (Byrne may be a little unstable, some say, but at least she's bright.) A key to the election will be how the independent Democrats — the so-called lakefront liberals — vote. Most of them supported Byrne when she challenged the Democratic machine in 1979, but they feel she sold them out. Some, including the leadership of the Independent Voters of Illinois — Independent Precinct Organization (IVI-IPO), are backing Washington. Others, notably state Sen. Dawn Clark Netsch, are behind Daley. To win, Washington desperately needs white votes, but some whites have their doubts about him. They can't help being bothered by the fact that he was convicted of failing to file income tax returns several years ago and also was suspended from practicing law for failure to perform services for clients. At the beginning of the campaign, there were 1,548,000 registered voters. About 600,000 were black. The turnout on February 22 is expected to be somewhere around 900,000. If 70 percent of the registered blacks vote, and if 70 percent of the blacks who vote cast their ballots for Washington, he still would be a little short of 300,000 (one-third of the anticipated turnout). If your mind is spinning at this point, consider what may happen in the April 12 general election. The Democratic candidate is normally an easy winner; hardly anyone gives Republican Bernard Epton any chance. But a third party candidate could challenge Washington. At this writing (early in January), two white aldermen, Edward Burke and Roman Pucinski (who received 220,000 votes in the special mayoral election in 1977), each are hinting they might form a third party. January 31 is the deadline for such action, so they can't wait to see who wins the primary. The presumption is that Epton and a third party candidate would be easily defeated if either Byrne or Daley gets the nomination. But if Washington is the nominee, large numbers of whites who are anti-black would undoubtedly rally to the support of Pucinski or Burke. "If that happens," Washington said in an interview, "it would do more to disrupt this city than any one thing I can possibly think of." Next page for profiles and interviews with the candidates. February 1983 | Illinois Issues | 11  Jane Byrne: the mayor JANE BYRNE is one of those politicians that people either love or hate. There's not much middle ground. Her critics say she has run City Hall in haphazard fashion. They point to her revolving-door staff policies. They say she's petty and vindictive, she's inconsistent and she plays with the truth. People who like her like her "guts." She's a no-nonsense person who had the courage to take on the Democratic machine and beat it, and she continues to fearlessly take on all comers. And now a couple of formidable opponents have decided to take on Byrne. Almost everybody in Illinois, if not the nation, knows Jane Byrne's made-for-Hollywood story. The young widow campaigned for John Kennedy in 1960 and caught the eye of Mayor Richard J. Daley, who eventually made her a member of his cabinet — the top woman in Chicago's government. But when her mentor died in 1976, her influence was diminished. Less than a year after Daley's death, she publicly accused the new mayor, Michael Bilandic, of illegally arranging approval of fare increases for the city's taxicabs, and he fired her. She used that issue to challenge Bilandic for the mayoralty. Virtually no one gave Byrne a chance, but then there was a snowstorm — the worst in Chicago history — and the Bilandic administration failed miserably to cope with it. The voters were angry, and they handed Byrne the election. Stormy is the word for the last four years, too. Byrne wasted no time firing many of Bilandic's people. On the other hand, she got cozy with some of them, notably Alderman Edward Vrdolyak, whom she had accused of involvement in the taxi fare "greasing." She was at war with the press almost from the start, and she was faced with serious money troubles. When the city said it was unable to pay firemen and transit workers what they demanded, they went on strike, but Byrne stood strong. And she talked the state into bailing out the nearly bankrupt school system. She and her husband, ex-reporter Jay McMullen, dramatically moved into the run-down, all-black Cabrini-Green project on a temporary basis to demonstrate her determination to upgrade public housing. But when she replaced two black school board members with whites, she all but threw away black support. In her campaign, she had emphasized her ties to Mayor Daley, but after her election she began to blame him for the city's financial problems. Now his son is one of her opponents, and the split with the Daley family is complete. Jane Byrne's interview on page 14.  Richard Daley: eldest son WHEN HE WAS a state senator in the early 1970s, people used to speculate that Richard M. Daley was being groomed to succeed his father, Richard J. It didn't work out that way. Mayor Daley's City Council floor leader, Michael Bilandic, was chosen mayor when the old man died suddenly in 1976. Then Bilandic was pushed aside by Jane Byrne in 1979, and the Daley family found itself outside looking in. A few months later, Daley defied the new mayor by leading a campaign to override Gov. James R. Thompson's veto of a bill eliminating the state sales tax on food and medicine. Byrne had been allied with the governor, and Daley's action was seen as the first move toward an eventual challenge of her for the mayoralty. Then Daley decided to run for state's attorney. Byrne got Alderman Edward Burke slated as the Democratic machine candidate for the post, and the election became a referendum pitting the Daley legacy against Byrne's first-year record in office. Daley won easily. He went on to defeat incumbent Republican Bernard Carey in the general election, setting the stage for this year's battle. Daley was only 13 when his dad became mayor. He went through De La Salle High School, spent two years at Providence College in Rhode Island, then returned to Chicago and obtained bachelor's and law degrees from DePaul University. His failure to pass the bar exam on his first two attempts is something that his detractors like to bring up. At 27, Daley got into politics, winning election as a delegate to the February 1983 | Illinois Issues | 12 Illinois Constitutional Convention. And three years later his father chose him to run for the Senate. During his first two years in Springfield, he was very quiet and kept out of the limelight, but in 1975 he became chairman of the Judiciary Committee and started wielding power. He and several other senators challenged the Democratic leadership in the Senate, even killing in committee four bills sponsored by leaders Cecil Partee and Philip Rock. Sen. Dawn Clark Netsch, an independent Democrat, called him "dirty little Richie." Like any son of a famous man, Daley was frequently compared unfavorably to his father. It was suggested that he wasn't very intelligent. One reason for this judgment of him was his jumbled syntax; that was one of his father's shortcomings too, but people tended to forgive the late mayor for that imperfection. After his father died, Daley seemed to become a more responsible legislator, and he took the lead in reforming the state's mental health and nursing home laws. Most observers say he has done a reasonably good job of running the state's attorney's office. He's not a kid anymore; he turned 40 last April. He promised during the 1980 campaign that he would serve the full four-year term, but no one really believed him. And sure enough, here he is, the Son of Boss, running as an independent for the Democratic nomination for mayor — trying to topple the machine, of all things. Richard M. Daley's interview on page 15. Photo By Antonio Dickey Harold Washington: the black challenger IF HE IS elected mayor of Chicago in April, Harold Washington will be 61 when he is sworn in. No one older than that has become mayor in this century. But it's not age that's standing in his way; it's his race. Washington was born on the south side, the son of an attorney. He worked a precinct in the 3rd Ward at 13, became a middleweight boxer at DuSable High School, got a law degree from Northwestern University and was a protégé of the late Ald. Ralph Metcalfe. He practiced law and worked as a city corporation counsel and an arbitrator for the Illinois Industrial Commission before being elected to the Illinois House of Representatives in 1964. During 14 years there, he established an impressive record as an articulate and conscientious legislator. Among other things, he sponsored legislation to revamp consumer credit laws and to legalize marijuana, and he worked for penal reform, fair employment and open housing. In 1977, he ran for mayor, but got only 11 percent of the vote in a four-way race won by Michael Bilandic. In 1978 he was elected to the state Senate, where he sponsored currency exchange legislation and organized a black caucus. He was elected to Congress in 1980 and reelected in 1982; he has been active there in efforts to preserve the federal voting rights act. Along the way, he got in trouble. In 1970 he was suspended from the practice of law for unethical conduct — failing to perform legal services for several clients from whom he had received fees. And in 1972 he spent a month in jail for failing to file income tax returns for several years. "It was sloppy work," Washington said of the circumstances that led to suspension of his law license. "In the hustle and bustle of political activity and all that, I just didn't pay attention to business. There was no attempt to gain. I was just pushing things back and holding them off and doing other things." Failure to file tax returns? "This was just stupid. There were four years involved that I didn't file, but my money was withheld for those years, and when the deal went down there was a question of only $500 dollars over those four years which wasn't paid. Judge [Joseph Sam] Perry, when he sentenced me, made it clear: 'You're not a bad man. What you've done is spent so much time in the public sector that you haven't taken care of your own personal business.' How do I explain it? I don't really know." Washington was elected to the legislature as a Democratic machine candidate, but in recent years he has put a distance between himself and the organization. He beat a machine candidate in the 1978 Senate race and ousted U.S. Rep. Bennett Stewart, an ally of Mayor Jane Byrne, in 1980. In March 1980, as many blacks became disenchanted with Byrne, he sponsored legislation to give Chicago voters recall power to unseat the mayor, but alas, the bill was defeated. Now he is trying to defeat her himself. Harold Washington's interview on page 16. February 1983 | Illinois Issues | 13 Q & A Byrne: Q: What, in your opinion, is the most important issue of this campaign? BYRNE: The most important issue is experience — the city and who can run it best. Q: How can the Chicago area fund its mass transit system? BYRNE: The Illinois Transportation Study Commission is talking about a greater share for the RTA [Regional Transportation Authority] and working to show downstate that we're sending quite a bit of money in, but we're not getting our share back. Q: Do you favor an increase in state taxes? BYRNE: No. Q: Do you favor a larger level of state financial aid for Chicago? BYRNE: Yes, I do, because we are sending a tremendous amount of money to the state. Q: Where will the additional money come from? BYRNE: There's a pie there now, and they should take a look at the entire pie to determine what we are sending and what we're getting back, and perhaps give us more. Q: What about state aid to education? BYRNE: There is a rumor that we might lose $11-12 million based upon recommendations that are being made to the governor regarding funding of education, and that would be absolutely horrible if they take that $11 million out of the budget that the [Chicago] Board of Education passed. Then if you ask, do I think we were getting enough prior to this, my answer would still be no. Q: What can be done to promote economic development? BYRNE: It's tied to education. Meeting with the business community and talking with members of the Economic Development Commission, they state that the quality of the graduate in the city of Chicago is not a great enough quality to match up to the work force and the work situations that are either here or coming to Chicago. I think we are doing the other aspect of it very well. I think our infrastructure as compared to other cities is in very good shape. We also just took $1 off the head tax. I think the idea of getting out and promoting the city has been helpful. But the corporate leaders still say that, businessman to businessman, the first questions that are asked if you're really trying to bring someone to Chicago are "How are the taxes?" and "Does it look like there's going to be a tax increase?" Well, that's why we're very proud this year — we are the only major city in America lowering its real estate taxes, and at the same time taking $1 off the head tax. Q: Mr. Daley says the city is in poor fiscal condition and the budget is going to be $90 million short next year. BYRNE: We are in a much more stable position than we've ever been in. No one would know better than I what fiscal deficits were like, and no one would know better than I that it must never happen to Chicago again. I don't need to have any candidate tell me that. Q: Will the city be $90 million short next year? BYRNE: No. We have many options. Some of the options are studies that are underway right now in [the Department of] Streets and Sanitation alone which will be implemented in the course of the year, which will cut out millions of dollars. The good things that have come out of it so far were increased garbage pickup and reassignment of manpower. We are not using the entire $90 million. I don't know why he's using the figure $90 million. We will not be in a deficit position next year. Q: Another issue Mr. Daley has raised is your campaign promise that you were not going to accept large contributions. Why haven't you kept to that promise? BYRNE: Well, am I answering the same questions that he is, or are you here to ask me for him? You've said in two questions now, "Mr. Daley is saying." What are you asking me? Q: I could rephrase the question. I think it is a question that is on people's minds. BYRNE: Well, as a candidate, and not as a mayor, and certainly not as a mayor in a deep recession, you have no idea until you sit here the demands that are placed upon you for charity. As a matter of fact, because he brought it up, I had my auditor break down my account, and 39.9 percent of the monies I have taken in have gone to charity. Q: Many blacks were upset with your appointments to the school board and the Chicago Housing Authority board (CHA). BYRNE: On the school board, we have recently appointed a new black person. On the CHA, I think it was very poor communications insofar as it appears that I only appointed whites, and the story never really got out properly. One newspaper headlined the story of the request [by the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) for the resignation of the chairman [Charles Swibel], and that was not the case. Had they headlined the story that the mayor had been asked to dump all the board members, it would have been proper. What we were fighting for was to save the members of the board, not the chairman. It never meant a bit of difference either to the chairman or to me that he stay there, but had I followed what they [HUD] said, I would have had to dump three blacks. I saved the three blacks and when they broadened the board I tried to balance the board with the three white appointments, the three black appointments, and moving Andy Mooney to put Elmer Beard, who was black, in as the operating person in the CHA, the executive director, so they would have a full-time, day-in-and-day-out executive director who was black. Q: But you replaced two black school board members with two whites. BYRNE: I thought, myself, that it was very balanced with the appointment of Superintendent Ruth Love. I think people lose sight of the fact that no mayor in the history of this city has ever considered getting a black superintendent of schools. February 1983 | Illinois Issues | 14 Q & A Daley: Q: What, in your opinion, is the most important issue of this campaign? DALEY: The most important issue is that the present incumbent has not provided the necessary leadership that I believe must be responsible, must be accountable, must be sensitive, as well as bringing the people together. When you talk about leadership, you talk about the mayor's relationship with the General Assembly. A particular bill this year was the bailout of the school board here. The mayor forced the Democrats and the governor forced the Republicans to vote for it. That package, which was adopted in the last session, dealt with increasing real estate taxes in the city of Chicago in order to help the Board of Education. The mayor gave her word to those legislators. Two months later they [the governor, with the support of the mayor] vetoed the legislation because of a reaction supposedly of communities against the real estate tax increase — and there was an upcoming election in February. It's called a lack of credibility. Another example is telling President Carter, "If the convention was held today, I'm for you," and the next day coming out and endorsing another candidate. You can go back to the promises that were made in 1979, the hidden taxes, the CTA [Chicago Transit Authority]. The mayor made promises that CTA fares wouldn't go up, but the fares have skyrocketed. Q: How can the Chicago area fund its mass transit system? DALEY: The legislation in Washington, this gasoline tax, in which Congressman [Dan] Rostenkowski was successful in putting one penny on in order to help public transportation, is vitally important. Also, the state has to make a commitment to the city and the collar counties on mass transportation. We cannot completely use highways to get to and from work. The state has to look at it, they cannot just blindly say no on it. Q: Do you favor an increase in state taxes? DALEY: We just found out the state is bankrupt. We have to assess the whole financial position of the state: If the money is there, can they reallocate the money into public transportation? Q: What if the money isn't there? DALEY: The state has to reallocate some of the money to local transportation. I think it's extremely important to the economic growth of the city and the suburban area, too. You need public transportation. Q: Should the income tax be increased, or the gasoline tax? DALEY: I couldn't give an answer on that at this point without really assessing what has happened to the CTA and the RTA. Q: Should the RTA be abolished or restructured? DALEY: I think McHenry County, parts of Will and other counties should be able to get out of the RTA and contract back in. Cities or parts of a county that need mass transit money should be able to contract with the RTA and not become part of the RTA district, and that includes, say, Kane, McHenry and even Will. Q: What about state aid to education? DALEY: The federal government has said the state is going to get all the education money. The city of Chicago has the right and the responsibility to get down there [to Springfield] and work for education. Q: What can be done to promote economic development? DALEY: The mayor put a service tax in a year ago, and this directly affected the whole state. The mayor, without the input of the business community, instituted a service tax. The tax was detrimental to business in Chicago, to anybody ever coming into the city. It went up to the Supreme Court and was held unconstitutional. Another bill was the tax on cars. You buy a car in the city, you pay an extra $200-$300. Even the city is buying some of their cars outside the city. Q: As mayor, what would you do to encourage economic development? DALEY: One: I would select a person I have confidence in to be economic development director. We've had three directors in three years, so how can you have any stability in the Economic Development Commission? Two: The commission must compete with other cities and states across the country and must have a plan for the downtown area as well as the neighborhoods. Q: What do you believe the fiscal condition of the city is? DALEY: The city of Chicago has been taking money out of the pension funds and money from federal programs to pay operating expenses. That is not good fiscal management. The comptroller has admitted we'll be in the red. Next year under this budget there's a one-shot revenue of $90 million. A one-shot revenue. I think the city of Chicago is in serious financial condition. In 1979, the highest paid official was the mayor at $60,000. There were 21 people who earned between $45,000 and $59,000 at a cost to the taxpayers of $1 million, excluding the fire and police departments. In 1983 there are 390 people that earn between $45,000 and $90,000, at a cost to the taxpayers of $20 million. In economic hard times how can the city keep increasing the salaries of chief executives, when we have over 200,000 people laid off? That is a disgrace to everybody in this city. Q: When you ran for state's attorney, you promised to serve four years. Why are you breaking that promise? DALEY: As a resident of Chicago, you see the promises that were never kept, you see the bad judgments that were rendered, you see the lack of services from police and fire and health, you see a real crisis in the city, and I decided to submit my name. This administration is worried about one thing: How much money can you raise? It's a disgrace to politics, a local official raising $9 million [in campaign contributions] in less than three years. The mayor made that promise never to accept [large contributions]. All the promises that this person made in 1979, prior to the primary, after the primary, and after she was sworn in — we're going to be looking at every one of those promises. February 1983 | Illinois Issues | 15 Q & A Washington: Q: What, in your opinion, is the most important issue of this campaign? WASHINGTON: The most important issue is just to change the whole direction and complexion of government. Chicago is a divided city. The government is a sheltered little oasis in which certain special interests are serviced and served and certain small enclaves are serviced and served, but the majority of the people have no say-so in the decisionmaking process. We've got to make certain that all the constituent parts of our city are fairly represented. When you get down to tangible problems, Chicago, like many other large cities, is registering a tremendous unemployment rate. Chicago cannot resolve the situation; it's a national problem. What Chicago can do is, one: It can be much fairer in its distribution of the present jobs which are controlled by the coporate structure, and two: It must improve the atmosphere to induce business to come to Chicago. Q: How can the Chicago area fund its mass transit system? WASHINGTON: Unfortunately, the tax base is so low that we have to go to other areas to get the money to sustain our mass transit system. We had the framework of that up until late 1979. The RTA subsidy was basically right and should have been maintained, but for some strange reason the mayor and the governor pulled back that subsidy, and in lieu of that socked the RTA and the Chicago people with a fare increase and a sales tax increase, knowing it wouldn't sustain them. And less than a year later they were right back where they were before. There's got to be some massive pressure exerted on the federal government to get additional subsidies. And the state has got to face up to its responsibility and increase its subsidy, too. Q: Should the RTA be abolished? WASHINGTON: I won't quarrel about whether or not the RTA should continue. A regional concept of mass transit makes sense. What must be done is to look for additional finances and maintain the basic structure. Q: Do you favor an increase in state taxes? WASHINGTON: That's the only way to get the money. There are no other funds unless we can loosen more dollars from the federal government. But we've got to go first of all to the state in terms of funding both transportation and education. Q: Should the income tax be increased, or the gasoline tax? Washington: I wouldn't want to be nailed down to a specific tax. We haven't done that kind of research yet. But those are two areas. The income tax is perhaps the most fruitful way of spreading the cost throughout the entire state. It may involve a constitutional amendment. Q: What about state aid to education? WASHINGTON: Full funding, to me, when the Constitution was written in 1970, meant just what it said: full funding. But for some strange reason the Supreme Court has said 51 percent represents full funding. That has to be modified. The state has to put more money into the educational system. But I don't think the state can come up with enough money to really do the job, so there is going to have to be a combination at this point of trying to get additional state monies and talking about realistic areas for additional funds. We have to give some consideration to a city income tax. It has to be studied. I haven't studied it thoroughly yet, but my position is this: The dollars are needed. If this city is going to sustain itself, those dollars must come from someplace to improve our educational system, our transportation system, our sewer system and bridges and so forth. Otherwise, we have nothing to attract business interests. It is self-defeating to talk about holding the line on taxes. Q: What, specifically and immediately, can be done to promote economic development? Washington: It's not going to be done by air trips to Japan or Korea or West Germany. That's just a lot of baloney. It's going to have to be done by tightening our belts in some areas and improving the services I'm talking about to attract business. Q: Can you elaborate on the city income tax? WASHINGTON: I'm not advocating any specific kind of a tax at this point and won't be until we have finished our research. But I'm not going to dodge and duck this issue. We do know at this time that, one: Additional dollars are needed, and two: There's some fat in there and obviously it's got to be taken out. I don't want to mislead people into thinking if you took out all the featherbedding and waste that you'd have a balanced budget, but there are things that can be done. Q: Do you believe the city fiscal condition is stable? WASHINGTON: Obviously the budget is not really balanced, as the mayor claims. As Daley has pointed out, it has some one-shot money in there, ninety-some million dollars, that won't be there again. So it means next year, maintaining the same level of services and making an adjustment for inflation, you're going to need $90 million. She is jockeying the figures to give the impression that the city is stable, and it is not. Q: How can you convince the state to help Chicago? WASHINGTON: If Chicago goes down, the state is going to be a pauper. They can't afford to let the city atrophy. Further, it's good common sense to protect one's investments, and Chicago is an investment in which all the people of the Midwest have an interest. Q: How will you deal with the increasing demands of firemen, teachers and other municipal employees? Washington: They must have, like other people, a cost-of-living increase, and I advocate it. However, if it gets to the point that the dollars are so tight that we can't afford it, we simply have to try to negotiate with these various unions. In the long run labor has to be fair in terms of making certain that the system is not going to go bankrupt. February 1983 | Illinois Issues | 16  Bernard Epton: the GOP's hope RUNNING FOR mayor of Chicago as a Republican is not a way to get ahead. But at 61, former State Rep. Bernard Epton has nothing to lose. Chicago hasn't had a Republican mayor for 56 years. Not one of the city's 50 aldermen is a Republican. But some Republicans fantasize that if the Democrats cut each other up, a Republican could win the election. They don't talk about it openly, but if Harold Washington, a black, wins the Democratic nomination, they hope to attract a big portion of the white vote. "Chicago has been regarded for too long as a Democratic stronghold," Epton says. "It's about time we change that image." Epton was in the House for 14 years. He didn't run for reelection last year because the end of cumulative voting made it virtually impossible for a Republican to be elected a representative in Chicago. He is an insurance lawyer and serves as chairman of the Illinois Insurance Laws Study Commission. He is considered moderate to liberal on social issues but a fiscal conservative. Worth several million dollars, he was described as the wealthiest member of the legislature. Shortly after accepting slating by the party, Epton called for doubling the state income tax but holding the line on city taxes. He said the increase would raise $2 billion, with half allocated to schools and mass transit and the other half to roads. Ed McManus is an assistant city editor at the Chicago Tribune. He is also a regular columnist for Illinois Issues on issues in Chicago. February 1983 | Illinois Issues | 17 |
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