Legislative Action

The power of the majority

By PORTER McNEIL

"IS THIS a cheap political trick or what?" asked Rep. Sam Vinson (R-90, Clinton) as one more Republican move was quashed by the House Democratic leadership. Vinson's outburst was symptomatic of the entire session's rigid control by the Democrats. Frustrated time after time in the House during the final days of the spring session, Republicans, usually led by point-man Vinson, accused the Democratic leadership of reversing the order of bills, calling Democratic-sponsored bills ahead of Republican measures.

Unlike some years, this session lacked a sense of urgency. But it did not lack an impressive display of political power by House and Senate Democrats.

House Speaker Michael J. Madigan (D-30, Chicago) lived up to his reputation: His vice grip was obvious from beginning to end. Using parliamentary maneuvers made possible by their majority status, Democratic leaders seized control of Build Illinois, the tort reform-liability insurance bills, election reform legislation and appropriations.

They limited every procedural avenue for Republicans to leave their mark on the final major bills in June. A top aide to Madigan said that the House Democrats were determined not to let what happened in 1985 happen in 1986 when the minority but tightknit Republican bloc stalled the end of the session and grew suddenly powerful: After June 30 the Democrat majority needed them for the supermajority vote required to pass budget bills. In this election year Democrats gave Republicans no chance to hold bills hostage for trades on other bills.

Madigan, especially, maintained control, stifling debate on the so-called liability insurance crisis, but managing to get a bill passed. (See "Insurance: less liability, but not full reform," pp. 28-31.) The closest he came to losing control was when Chicago politics crashed into the session, threatening to split his Democrats with a deal between anti-Washington Democrats and Republicans. The almost deal involved keeping Edmund Kelly in control of Chicago's parks as a trade for suburban control of O'Hare airport. (See "O'Hare: First battle in a long war," pp. 16-19.)

But power in the hands of a few takes its toll. The rank-and-file members complain about being left out. The end of the session for them is filled with long hours of sitting around waiting for backroom agreements to be announced; unless called on to sit on a conference committee, they sit obediently on the floor awaiting word from their leaders. One senator, upset about not being asked to sit on any conference committees, said, "This is a rotten way to legislate." Another said he was a member of conference committees but was never informed of the meetings. They sit and wait, not privvy to deals being made, and years ago dubbed themselves the Loyal Order of Mushrooms.

Aside from the pay raise vote (it passed) and the jolt when Chicago politics intruded into the final days, the session was a snooze, as many seasoned pundits had labeled it early on. The two chambers adjourned around 3 a.m. July 2, giving up on faltering negotiations for a new Chicago White Sox stadium in Chicago and incentives for the horse racing industry.

In this campaign year turned upside down by the LaRouchian victories in the Democratic primary, legislators — Democrats and Republicans alike — were in no mood to sit around Springfield forever.

The bizarre LaRouchian twist had dominated conversations through the Statehouse since March, and everyone wanted to get out of Springfield and start campaigning for November's election. Senate President Philip J. Rock's (D-8, Oak Park) motion to adjourn summed it up: "We accomplished what was necessary for the minimum operation of government ... I wish all candidates, particularly on this side of the aisle, good luck in November."

The pay raise debate had its moments; the whole procedure appeared political. The House ended up voting for a resolution rejecting the pay raise, but the Senate narrowly rejected the resolution, clearing the way for the pay raise (see "Senate vote sets new pay raises in motion," pp. 36).

House Democrats, as they were prone to do, stole the show from Republicans. The House's anti-pay raise vote was tied to the resolution sponsored by Rep. Tom Homer (D-91, Canton), instead of one sponsored by the GOP candidate for U.S. senator. Rep. Judy Koehler (R-89, Henry).

That leadership maneuver inspired more howls of protest from GOP legislators. "How do you get to 181 [Homer's resolution] before 180 [Koehler's] .... It's a complete violation of the rules," hollered Rep. Vinson, in what was one of his last speeches for the minority (he announced his resignation from the House in July to become a full-time lawyer). Koehler, who has built her political life in large part around her opposition to legislative pay raises, said, "I would certainly like to stand in protest of the shabby manner in which my resolution is being treated." Rep. Jack Davis (R-84, New Lennox), now a candidate for U.S. Congress, tried to lay guilt at the doorstep of Speaker Madigan. "I was proud, particularly when you made your acceptance speech [in 1983] . . . [you said] you would abied by the rules, regardless of party," said Davis. "Now I'm not quite as proud of you as I was."

But the real blast came from House Minority Leader Lee A. Daniels (R-46, Elmhurst). "We are in the closing moments of a session that you and your leadership have intentionally destroyed," shouted Daniels. "It's time you start doing things the right and proper and just way."

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Rep. John S. Matijevich (D-61, North Chicago) holds up the headlines for all on the House floor to see. The deal fell through, but Chicago politics almost splintered Democrats in a deal with suburban Republicans. Photo by House Democratic photographer Martin H. Simon

After another Democratic coup on another day, Vinson, by then no stranger to the microphone, accused the leadership of choosing bills sponsored by "the favored few that are your personal friends .... That's apparently how you're choosing bills around here." At that, Madigan piped in a House floor debate from 1982, when then-House Speaker George H. Ryan was being attacked by Madigan for doing the same thing the Democrats were doing that day. After the laughter, Daniels rose and admitted that his party had actually invented the so-called special order call, and then said, "These are wondrous times at the end of June," he said. "One of the things we want to do is make sure that you are better than we were .... Let's all learn by our past mistakes."

The end-of-the-session games also bothered freshman state Rep. Karen Hasara (R-100, Taylorville) who issued a press release June 5 to express her dismay with the legislative process. Hasara, who was sworn in last January, said, "House rules are very clear. I do not understand why we cannot follow those rules and stay on schedule .... A private business operated in this manner would soon be shuttered." Welcome, Rep. Hasara, to June politics in Illinois.

Perhaps the most shocking political surprise in the final days occurred when the so-called Chicago "council wars" erupted in Springfield in late June, causing black legislators to declare their independence from the Democratic party. Not only black legislators were upset. "Ladies and gentlemen, welcome to Council Wars South," said a disappointed Rep. Woods Bowman (D-4, Evanston). The fireworks shot off when white lawmakers loyal to ex-Chicago Park District Supt. Edmund Kelly and Chicago Aid. Edward Vrdolyak led a bill to passage in the House aimed at stripping Mayor Harold Washington of some of his power. The bill would have given Kelly power to run the park district independent of the park board appointed by the mayor; it also attempted to preserve many park employees' jobs under civil service. Days before, Mayor Washington finally had his appointments to the park board approved, and then, in a swift, political move, the board stripped Kelly of all power. Some say the mayor and his new board, headed by Walter Netsch (husband of Sen. Dawn Clark Netsch (D-4, Chicago)), should have waited one more week to avoid any possible Springfield action.

It was no surprise that the bill was called for a vote the day after Vrdolyak visited Springfield. Allegedly, a complicated deal was cut. Key Republicans, who wanted to pass bills giving some authority over O'Hare Airport to the counties ouside Chicago, agreed to vote for the park bill in return for Democratic support for their O'Hare bills. But Rep. Alfred G. Ronan (D-12, Chicago), leader of the anti-Washington legislative forces, could not keep the deal together after the House passed the park bill. The Senate sat on it, allowing it to die without a fight.

The deal may have fallen through because black Chicago Democrats felt betrayed by House approval of the Vrdolyak-backed park bill. Before the Senate could consider the bill, the black caucus called an emergency press conference to declare their outrage with, and independence from, the Democratic party. "That act last evening in many ways was an emancipation for us," said Rep. Carol Moseley Braun (D-25, Chicago). "We have filed divorce from the Democratic party. The days of counting black people first in the Democratic column, without regard to whether our interests are being served, are over — are over." Braun said members of the black caucus would advise black voters residing in the districts of the white Democrats who voted for the bill to consider voting against those Democratic candidates. "We have been hogtied to the Democratic party for all too long," she said. "The idea of black people voting for Republicans is kind of novel. We hope to make it something you get more and more accustomed to." Thumping his fist on the podium, state Sen. Emil Jones Jr. (D-17, Chicago) said, "I have never been denied anything because of my political affliation. It's always the color of one's skin, and this was a skin vote."

Aside from that extremely tense political drama and some tension over the pay raise vote, much of the usual end-of-session flurry in last-minute trading was missing. It is an election year and Democrats wanted no GOP surprise twists on any vehicle bills or in conference reports. The strange Democratic primary seemed to reinforce that strategy. Before the legislature is scheduled to meet again, the November election will be over. The last chapter of the 84th General Assembly will be written by that lameduck legislature. The 85th General Assembly will find an issue-cluttered agenda awaiting it come January.

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