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By MICHAEL D. KLEMENS

Doug Whitley:
at the center of state tax policy

Ben Franklin's birthday is cause for celebration in Doug Whitley's house. Franklin, lobbyist for the fledgling colonies in the French royal court, is revered by Whitley, lobbyist for the Taxpayers' Federation in the Illinois Statehouse. Indeed Whitley dominates the current Illinois tax scene much like Franklin dominated early U.S. history as a framer of the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Treaty of Paris.

Whitley throws a dinner party annually on Franklin's birthday. He uses spare moments on frequent trips to Chicago to prowl used book stores looking for a bargain to add to his 70-volume collection of Franklin biographies and writings. Whitley has pursued his search for insights from the Library of Congress to the Franklin Life Insurance Co. "I find Benjamin Franklin to be just a tremendous man, a multi-faceted man," Whitley says. "I can't say I model myself after him, but the more I read about him the more I enjoy him, the more it makes me enjoy life."

Just as Franklin was a man of many talents — inventor, scientist, writer, diplomat — Whitley wears a number of hats. He is a watchdog, a researcher who puts information in the hands of citizens and government, a lobbyist for a business-oriented organization, a preacher for sound tax policy and an enthusiast for democracy. Associates describe him as "bright," "articulate," "ambitious," "hard working" and "fair."

Members of both parties acknowledge his influence. Roland W. Burris, Democratic state comptroller, terms Whitley a student of government. "From what I can discern, he's done a good job representing the taxpayers." James Reilly, chief of staff for Republican Gov. James R. Thompson, says Whitley is a voice concerned with tax policy. "If you want a disinterested view on tax policy, go to the Taxpayers' Federation."

Whitley impresses Common Cause executive director and lobbyist Gayle Keiser as a "good government person" to whom she sometimes turns for advice on strategy. "He's one of a small number of people in Springfield who can rise above partisan issues and instead think about how best to get things done."

"He's one of the best guys at generating ideas I ever met, says Leonard Adams, who worked for Whitley before taking a staff post at the legislature's Economic and Fiscal Commission. "He's a very practical politician. He has a nose for what's possible and a knack for finding the middle on any issue."

Whitley describes himself as part politician and part researcher, working in a unique niche with the Taxpayers' Federation. "I like that marriage between the academic approach — research approach — and the practical politics, making things happen.

I can believe in what I'm doing and I can see results."

Whitley traces his interest in government, politics and lobbying to his high school history class in Atwood, a farm community southwest of Champaign. "This character called the lobbyist fascinated me. Here was a person who made good money, was directly involved in setting policy and influencing policy. He had close association with public figures, yet didn't run for public office."

An early foray into the political arena came at a mock Republican convention held for high school students in Champaign, Whitley lined up commitments from other schools and arrived Saturday morning with votes to elect whomever he wanted. "I brokered the convention." he recalls. His position: "I'll name whomever you want to be president, but I want to name the cabinet."

After graduation from Southern Illinois University at Carbondale in 1973, Whitley went to work for the Association of Illinois Student Governments and lobbied in Springfield on behalf of public university and college students. One of the group's greatest accomplishments, he says, was beating back a tuition increase proposed by the Board of Higher Education in 1975. Whitley's recollection differs from that of Richard Wagner, executive director of the Board of Higher Education, who says Gov. Dan Walker's pledge not to hike tuition carried the day: "I don't think there was much of a battle."

After a stint in Washington with the National Student Lobby, Whitley returned to Springfield looking for a job. Because he was identified with one faction of the Democratic party, he says, he couldn't get a job on the House Democratic staff. In February 1977 he went to work for the Taxpayers' Federation of Illinois, and four months later was tapped to head the organization. "Here I was 27 years old and heading a major statewide association, a pretty significant accomplishment," he says.

And those twin roles — lobbyist-politician and researcher —have kept him busy since. "Politics brings forth gregarious people, people who work hard and play hard. I subscribe to that." Play for Whitley is time at home with his wife Joanne and children, Dawn, age six, and Benjamin, age four. "The kids are the greatest joy to me. If I'm at home in the evening I try to give them between 6:30 and 8, to read with them, play games, do puzzles. He enjoys camping and canoeing — using skills acquired as Atwood's second-ever Eagle Scout. He also likes dinner parties, gardening, Bob Seger and travel. "I stayed in country inns before it was fashionable," he says. One associate characterizes Whitley as "part good old boy and part Yuppie."

12/March 1987/Illinois Issues


In late January work not play occupies Whitley. He is pushing to publish several federation reports and to wrap up the work of Gov. Thompson's revenue review committee. Whitley wants "Illinois Tax Climate," a biennial publication that tracks the state tax burden and compares Illinois with other states, out in time for Thompson's State of the State and Budget messages. "The numbers we generate, as is so often the case, become the basis for debate," he tells his staff. In fact by late January drafts are already in the hands of Thompson speech writers. Whitley says that will provide Thompson reliable information and, if cited in either speech, will give the federation publicity and credibility.

A day later Whitley meets with two professors who have completed a two-year property tax assessment study funded by the Illinois Tax Foundation, an adjunct of the federation. Tie loosened and sleeves rolled up, Whitley pores through the recommendations. He chuckles at the phrase "kitchen table assessments" and the trio discuss how to use the report to get their message across.

But his schedule in these busy days includes a couple of speaking engagements, efforts he says to let people know the Taxpayers' Federation supports sound tax policy and neither oposes all taxes nor is part of state government. Such opportunities, Whitley says, keep him in touch with the taxpayers. "The people who are most interested usually in interacting with me tend to be governments, and it's difficult not to be coopted." Whitley likes people and it shows when he speaks.

On one of the winter's coldest nights he travels to nearby Rochester and speaks to the East Sangamon County Republican Club. Some of the 30 in attendance want to know how the township can get a share of a $500 million state windfall from federal tax reform. Whitley responds that the windfall will be smaller — about $100 million — and says that "the state will absorb it in about a day's spending." And he tells the group that Illinois' tax burden is declining and says he would not be surprised to see an income or sales tax hike. His message is politely received by the group, but afterward some confess to holding more conservative spending views than Whitley. Town Supervisor Robert E. Dickerson says Whitley is "too liberal" for him.

The message that Illinois is no longer a high tax state is better received three days later by 125 suburban school board members, teachers and administrators meeting in Aurora. "Illinois taxpayers tithe, in the biblical sense, 10 percent of our income to state and local governments," Whitley says. That figure ranks the state 30th in the nation. He suggests more state aid will have to come from the income tax, but also urges that schools ease off on property taxes. "Eighty-five percent of the people in this state don't have kids in public schools, and don't you forget it," he tells them. The audience laughs at his jokes and Whitley senses the talk went well. He spends 40 minutes chatting with individuals, calls a local newspaper reporter who left before he finished and heads home. He will return to Chicago a day later for two days of meetings with Gov. Thompson's revenue review committee.

Although Whitley is at the center of state tax policy, he did not create that role. George Camille, vice president of the Norfolk Southern Corp., worked for the Taxpayers' Federation under Whitley's predecessor, Maurice Scott. Camille recalls that governors, House speakers and Senate presidents all relied on Scott for advice. "There was not ever a revenue committee meeting held that Maurice Scott did not attend," Camille says. He adds that the role has been diluted by the rise in professional legislative staff, of the Economic and Fiscal Commission and the Bureau of the Budget.

Whitley has found himself at the center of more than one tax policy debate. He cut his teeth in 1979 on the issue of replacing the corporate personal property tax. The 1970 state Constitution required elimination of the local tax on machinery and retail inventories, but some replacement had to be found. Budget Director Robert Mandeville credits Whitley with proposing the solution. "In the end it was Doug Whitley who recommended to the governor going with a 2.5 percent surtax on the 4 percent [corporate income tax]," Mandeville recalls. "That's an example of how an independent, objective group like the Taxpayers' Federation can work with the General Assembly and the executive," Mandeville says.

Generally, Whitley says, his organization looks at long-range tax policy and does not simply lobby for corporate tax breaks. "By and large the people I work with are leaders in their businesses. They tend to take a bigger view," Whitley says. The federation took the long view in 1983 when it supported, after research done in part by volunteers on loan from member companies, a permanent increase in the state income tax. Whitley recalls a conversation with Thompson at the time: "I said $1.6 billion [in new taxes] is too much. He said 'What do you think I can get?' I said a billion tops and he said 'That's not enough.' '' Now Whitley adds, "If he had a billion he might not be in the trouble he's in today."

But there have been inconsistencies. In 1985 the federation opposed double weighting of the sales factor in computing corporate income taxes. In 1986 they supported the measure, that will trim government revenues by $22 million and boost taxes for businesses with high Illinois sales but low payrolls and property investments. "We flip-flopped," Whitley admits. Some large corporations that belong to the federation decided they needed the change, he says. Whitley says he disagrees but works for the group that pays his $60,000 annual salary. "I represent the membership."

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Some see Whitley as representing his members. Jack Knuepfer, chairman of the DuPage County Board, says Whitley effectively represents the large property taxpayers who make up the federation. "The Taxpayers Federation wants to tax anything but property." Still Knuepfer likes Whitley and finds him knowledgeable.

Others see him taking a broader view. Rep. Woody Bowman (D-4, Evanston) seldom finds Whitley taking a party line. "If Doug Whitley isn't pure, there's no one else down there who's got fewer axes to grind," Bowman says.

Whitley identifies with the progressive movement which sought to bring honesty and efficiency to government in the early 20th century. "We've all got to pay taxes. They're not going to go away. Government is not going to go away. All we can ask is that government uses the money in the most efficient manner possible," he says. But he is under no delusion that state government is efficient. Standing high on his list of peeves is "incrementalism," which he defines with the example of White Sox Park. "It bothers me that we come up this program, and we feel we've got to have $12 million so we go looking through the tax lists to find something we can tax that we think will generate about $12 million. I don't think that lends itself to good tax policy . . . pick on this industry today and that industry tomorrow." Instead of boosting the Chicago hotel tax to support the stadium, Whitley says, the state could have done the work under Build Illinois. "I wish Build Illinois were more grandiose .... It's a great concept, but I sure don't like the idea of it being cheapened and eroded by a whole lot of pork barrel."

Whitley clearly likes the action: "I wanted to be a contributor, to participate enough in public policy so that in fact people knew who Doug Whitley was." And he likes the recognition: "I can walk down the streets of Chicago, the third largest city in the U.S., and it's not uncommon to run into half a dozen people I've met, I know and call them by name. I think it's wonderful."

Whitley acknowledges he is unsure what the future holds. A Democrat, he admits he was interested in the Department of Revenue directorship, which went to Republican Roger Sweet. "There aren't many jobs in government that really intrigue me. [Director of] Revenue is one or being a close adviser to the governor would be another," he says. Elective office, he says, holds little appeal. "I think I do a tremendous job of helping to set public policy in the state .... My influence in state and local tax law and public policy is probably greater than I would have on it if I were to represent a district. I don't have to worry about getting jobs for people."

"I'm president of the Taxpayers' Federation and I'm 37 years old. Do I want to be president of the Taxpayers' Federation when I'm 57?" Whitley talks of someday writing a column or owning a book store. Asked about the future, he again quotes Ben Franklin. "Never seek public office, but never refuse it when it is offered, and never give it up unless it's taken away."

Whitley's Almanac

Doug Whitley says that lobbyists are valuable because they have a sense of history. His perspective on the state fiscal condition is bolstered by 13 years in the Statehouse as lobbyist, watchdog and doer.

Whitley the watchdog says the current cash problems arise because revenues are "glacier like,'' inching steadily but slowly upward. Lagging recovery from recession, loss of population, the change from higher paying manufacturing to service jobs and new tax breaks combine to limit growth, he says. Still, Whitley notes, the revenue estimates for the current year are right on target, but spending exceeds budget. "The best thing that could happen [from the administration's perspective] right now is either a recession to blame it on, or inflation to blame it on," he quips.


Photo by Jay Barnard

Whitley the researcher cites figures that show taxes paid as a percentage of personal income have declined substantially since the temporary income tax increase lapsed in 1985. "Maybe the 33rd largest tax burden in the nation isn't where we want to be. Maybe we liked it better at 25, or 16."

Whitley the doer pledges to use his chairmanship of Gov. James R. Thompson's Revenue Review Committee to push reformulation of state/local government fiscal relations and reform of the sales and use tax structure he says is overly complicated. He has problems with the system which has different tax rates and different items taxable from city to city and county to county. In its place Whitley would institute a broader statewide tax administered and collected by the state Department of Revenue. "I would like to see the situation where the state does a decent job, a good job, of collecting the dollars and then gives it back to the locals. I would even be in favor of giving it back almost no strings attached. Here's the check. Do your thing."

Whitley the prognosticator says neither a $1 billion hike nor no increase would surprise him. "It's the governor's call," he says. "How restrained is our state willing to be about its spending? Does the administration have the will to live on highly restrained spending, actual real dollar decline?"

And the lobbyist with his sense of history adds, "In 1983 the answer was no."

14/March 1987/Illinois Issues



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