It's Mayor Daley time again

By PAUL M. GREEN

For some Chicagoans and non-Chicagoans it's a dream come true. For others it's a realization of their worst nightmares. But the office and the name have been reunited: It's Mayor Daley time again in the windy city.

Cook County State's Atty. Richard M. Daley annihilated 4th Ward Ald. Tim Evans and former Ald. Ed Vrdolyak in Chicago's April 4th mayoral election. Percentage-wise young Daley garnered 56 percent of the vote, while Evans won only 40 percent and Vrdolyak captured a measly 4 percent. Daley's victory margin was in the 150,000-vote range, a significant increase over his Democratic primary margin

Richard M. Daley

against Mayor Eugene Sawyer.

How did Daley do it? He ran like a whirlwind among three of Chicago's four basic voting blocs. Ethnic voters on the northwest and southwest sides gave Daley their hearts, their hopes and 90 percent of their vote. Lakefront voters residing in the so-called east 40s (wards 42, 43, 44, 46, 48 and 49) went overwhelmingly for Daley; the cradle of independent lakeshore politics, Ward 43, nearly matched the winning vote percentage Daley got from his own Bridgeport 11th Ward. Over two-thirds of Chicago's Hispanic voters supported Daley; his promise of fairness and economic development as well as his strong commitment to family and church made Daley far more attractive that his two opponents.

Chicago's black voters went overwhelmingly, 90 percent, for Evans, but by themselves, as only one bloc, they were unable to pull Evans to victory.

Many events, personalities and trends merged to give Chicago its second Mayor Daley, son of Richard J. Daley.

• The split in the black community never healed following Sawyer's selection as acting mayor December 1, 1987, following the death of Mayor Harold Washington. This forced Sawyer in the primary and then Evans in the general election to spend considerable time solidifying support among their core black constituency. It also left them little time to forge or renew alliances with other voting blocs.
• Several black militant supporters of Sawyer and especially of Evans frightened nonblack Chicago with their rhetoric, accusations and anger.
• Daley ran a textbook campaign: His organization was well-funded, his strategy thought out and his tactics both in the media and in the precincts were brilliant. Much credit must go to his brother Bill and to political consultant David Axelrod, who demonstrated that even in the age of electronic politics, old-fashioned political organizing still works.
• Daley's overall campaign theme worked: combining social and ethnic values with governmental managerial competence. It allowed him to merge the few remaining, productive ward organizations from his father's day with the new politics of today's phonebanks, direct mailing and volunteers.
• Many Chicagoans were tired of the nonstop political infighting, name-calling and racial tensions of the last several years.

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Daley represented governmental stability. They saw him as a problem solver who could work well with Springfield and Washington, D.C., and for most nonblack Chicagoans that was enough.

What of the future? You will not see the rebirth of Richard J. Daley's old Democratic machine. The new Mayor Daley will not be apolitical, but it is in his interest to prove once and for all the wisdom of his father's famous axiom, "Good government is good politics." Chicago government will become the bastion of "resume politics." Education, professionalism and competence will be the passwords of the new Daley administration.

Daley has about 15 months to demonstrate that he can govern. He will try and reach out to all Chicago, but given the massiveness of his win and the potential durability of his victory coalition, he will need minimal black support to win reelection in 1991.

The so-called movement politics that allegedly propelled Washington into the mayor's office in 1983 is in disarray. Some even suggest that the movement was in reality a myth; they argue that it was a political tool of Washington who used the term in tandem with his unquestioned charisma and political genius to solidify black support around him. In short, politically the movement died with Harold — the Rev. Jesse Jackson notwithstanding.

Ed Vrdolyak, the GOP candidate, was incidental to the entire mayoral election process. The once powerful Cook County Democratic chairman is now a man without a party. Disowned by city Republicans and ignored by Chicago Democrats, he is running out of more scenarios that could lead to elective office — outside his home southeast side 10th Ward. A run for his old aldermanic seat in 1991 may be his remaining option.

Lastly, the 1989 mayoral election reaffirmed one of "Green's Laws" about Chicago politics: Whenever a candidate says, "The only poll that counts is the one on election day," mark him down as a sure loser. Evans is the latest case study. He was never in the game once Mayor Sawyer announced he was running in the Democratic primary and Evans refused to endorse him.

Paul M. Green is director of the Institute for Public Policy and Administration, Governors State University.

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