Mayor Richard M. Daley: the Adapter instead of Boss II

It was a cold, dark night in February 1976. Daniel Walker, running for a second term as governor, stood on a chair in a roadhouse in Pecatonica, addressing a friendly crowd. Walker was running in the Democratic primary against Secy. of State Michael J. Howlett — the candidate put up by Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley to knock off Walker at any cost. But, as he had throughout his career, Walker was campaigning against Daley. "I tell you," Walker said in his steely, icy voice, "If Michael Howlett is elected governor of Illinois, Richard J. Daley Jr. will be the next president of the Illinois Senate! Do you want to see that happen?" The response from the towns-people

He has significant experience at the state level and knows how important that . . . is

and farmers, of course, was, "NO!"

There is no "Richard J. Daley Jr." Walker was referring to Richard M. Daley, the eldest son of the late mayor of Chicago — then a state senator and, now, himself the mayor. The reference is illuminating, even 13 years later, and it gives an inkling of the potential impact of the return of the Daley family to the fifth floor of "The Hall."

The details of the 1976 campaign, though fascinating, are unimportant now. What is important is that it included the first statewide impact of a novice state senator who, except for his family ties, would have been an obscure back bencher.

Now the younger Daley is a major player, and he finds himself forced into some very major roles. How will he handle Gov. James R. Thompson's pressure to sign on for an increase in the state income tax? What role will he play in the ongoing power struggle in the Illinois Senate? How will his challenge to the leadership of Speaker Michael J. Madigan (D-30, Chicago) influence the vitally important reapportionment after the 1990 census? Will Daley's rise to power make a difference in the jockeying for position in statewide politics — a process already seriously constipated by Thompson's extended term of office? What about Jesse Jackson's role in the national party after he refused to support Daley as the winner of the primary?

There are a lot of factors to consider, as usual in Illinois politics. Let's start with Daley's experience.

Since his father died, Chicago's fifth floor has lacked someone with experience in Springfield. Mike Bilandic would need a map to find the city. Jane Byrne was unconcerned. While Harold Washington served with some distinction in both the House and Senate, he never translated that experience into effective communication with state lawmakers. He had other, more pressing problems in the City Council. Eugene Sawyer had neither the contacts nor the time to develop them.

It's different for Daley. He has significant experience at tha state level and knows how important that experience is in fulfilling his role as mayor.

He began his political career as a delegate to the 1970 Constitutional Convention. So did House Speaker Madigan and state Sen. Dawn Clark Netsch (D-4, Chicago). Although young Daley left no particular mark on that unique event, he gained exposure to the statewide political environment that even his father lacked. Other delegates to ConCon have gone on to dominate state politics in the subsequent 20 years, and rubbing elbows

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Mayor Richard M. Daley

with them certainly gave Daley a good sample of down-state reaction to Chicago's needs and demands.

Next, as a member of the Illinois Senate, Daley was very much his father's son. His initial reaction was unfortunate. He allied himself with organization Chicago Democrats and steamrollered the party position over all opposition. Worse, in his first few years, he did it blatantly and shamelessly.

It is to his credit, though, that those who observed his tenure in Springfield saw it as a learning experience. By the time he returned to Chicago, Daley was regarded, even by many of his original detractors, as a changed politician — one who had learned not only the art of compromise but the necessity for it. He calculated, of necessity, that Chicago needed the help of downstate and the collar counties if it was to remain a vital urban area into the 21st century.

"You have to have legislative experience," Daley said in a recent interview. "There was a Republican majority in the Senate, and it was a real learning experience. The body is small enough that you can understand the process. It shows you a cross section of the state, and you get to understand how all the parts of the state work together."

Even if he has the understanding of the process, Daley will have to apply it. In Springfield — or even in the City Council, for that matter — he won't find the road to power nearly as easy as his father did in his heyday. The younger Daley knows that.

His father could call Springfield and give orders because the people who held power there were beholden to him. Either they owed their position to his slatemaking power, or they had supporters on his patronage rolls, or they hoped to win his favor for higher office. Daley Sr., who defined the word "clout" by his very existence, commanded almost as much respect and obedience in the Capitol as he did in City Hall.

"The city is different now. Politics is different," said the younger Daley. "You're dealing with bureaucrats. You're really the CEO of a large corporation." Essentially, he said there can be no more "Boss" who commands blind allegiance in the precincts, wards, legislative districts and the houses of the legislature. Why?

"For all these years, you've had those independents drumming it into the voters' heads, 'You can't vote a straight ticket,'" he said. "That had an effect. Then there was the Shakman decision [on patronage]. And television changed the political equation dramatically." The overall effect, he indicated, is that a successful political leader now cannot dictate but must be able to mobilize media resources on the one hand and to coordinate political experience on the other.

Understanding the shift in the political landscape, which Daley obviously does, is one thing. Adapting to it is another. And it remains an open question how well he will do that. The question won't remain open long, however, because Daley will be tested quickly.

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"Rich will be there for an income tax increase when the vote comes," one of his top advisers says. "He can't sign on early in the session because he has to hold out for the best deal for Chicago. That's the responsible position to take on the issue for a guy who's mayor of Chicago."

If that assessment is accurate, Madigan's suprise temporary 18 percent income tax hike allows Daley to hold out longer. By offering $94 million to Chicago and another $75 million to Chicago schools, Madigan eased pressure on Daley to get the ball rolling on a tax hike to plug Chicago's budget gap. Daley did not have to sign on up front to the Thompson tax increase. And if the Madigan proposal clears the Senate and is signed by Thompson, Daley's Chicago would be guaranteed a double helping of state aid through the 1991 mayoral election. Daley would be in his second term — and many of the other players

So he will have to compromise, negotiate, bargain and maneuver

changed — before anyone had to decode on making the temporary tax more permanent.

But was it Daley who got Madigan to drop his intransigence to an income tax hike? On the surface, Daley doesn't have any leverage over Madigan. Madigan's power base is in the Illinois House — reelection campaign contributions and his computerized control over reapportionment. Daley doesn't have the slatemaking power to strip office from lawmakers who vote against him. His patronage powers are nowhere near those his father enjoyed, nor can he lay claim to the kingmaking authority the elder Daley enjoyed.

With Madigan taking the front seat on the state income tax, Daley seemed to take a back seat, observing that he thought the speaker's proposal was a fine plan that helped solve problems for cities and schools statewide. The governor was fuming, but not at the mayor. Daley stopped short of endorsing the Madigan plan, suggesting that other proposals were still likely to come up. He was leaving room to negotiate, maneuver and bargain. Can he get an even better deal for Chicago? And that brings us back to the lessons he learned in ConCon and the Illinois Senate.

Daley dealt with Dawn Clark Netsch. In his first years in the Senate, they were implacable foes. Yet Netsch came to appreciate Daley's better points and to endorse him for mayor. Susan Catania, a House Republican during Daley's tenure in the state Senate, agrees that Daley benefited from a learning experience in the General Assembly and says she has her "fingers crossed" that he will be a good mayor.

The general feeling is, there will be no "Boss II — The Sequel." Instead, there will be: "Daley II — The Adapter. "□

Robert K. Kieckhefer is regional editor for United Press International in Chicago. Formerly he was UPI bureau chief in Springfield.

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