Legislative Action                                                                

A few days before Gov. Jim Edgar presented his 1994 budget, reporters in the state Capitol were treated to nearly back-to-back press conferences by state Comptroller Dawn Clark Netsch and Atty. Gen. Roland W. Burris.

Armed with charts and graphs, Netsch and Burris spent about 45 minutes outlining their respective legislative agendas. As two who want to see themselves opposing Edgar in next year's gubernatorial race, they are eager to pass or at least introduce legislation that will be popular with voters and reap as much media coverage as possible to bolster their political ambitions.

So illustrates this year's Illinois legislative session. With several politicos jockeying for position on the 1994 ballot for statewide office, many bills were crafted with campaign brochures in mind. And with power battles spreading between the Republican-led Senate and Democrat-led House, between Chicagoans and suburbanites, and between downstate interests and those from collar counties, there are plenty of agendas to track.

As his State of the State and budget messages outlined, the governor is trying to please several different voting blocs with proposals that range from establishing innovative programs in Chicago classrooms to capping "pain and suffering" awards in medical malpractice court cases. For one, Edgar hopes to paint himself as a friend of education. He undoubtedly will point during his campaign for reelection to what he sees as his kids-oriented budget — with much of the requested $173 million increase in state school money to come from renewing the income tax surcharge but not renewing it so funds go directly to cities. This proposal serves a dual purpose for Edgar. First, it may help ward off criticism sure to arise during the gubernatorial race over Edgar's opposition to a failed constitutional amendment on education last year. On paper at least, the amendment would have obligated the state to pick up a larger portion of public education expenses. Secondly, his shift of income tax surcharge revenue would put cities' officials in the unenviable position of arguing that they need the money more than the children of Illinois. Edgar also joined hands with Senate President James "Pate" Philip (R-23, Wood Dale) to again support statewide caps on property tax increases of 5 percent or the rate of inflation (as shown by the National Consumer Price Index), whichever is less. But some downstate Republicans in the General Assembly are not fully behind caps statewide. They believe that the districts they represent can't afford to have the property tax funding option limited for school districts. Meanwhile, Senate Democrats are attempting to muddy the effort by offering their own proposals, however doomed they may be. One would allow voters to decide through referendum whether to adopt a cap on property tax increases as proposed by Senate Republicans or implement limits drafted by their local government. The other would let school districts ask voters to raise income tax rates by 1 percent. If voters agree, half the money would go to the school district and the rest to reduce property taxes. Carefully planned speeches and press conferences have helped keep the names and agendas of Edgar's would-be opponents in the news as well. Pundits seem to divide their bets between state Treasurer Pat Quinn and Cook County Board President Richard Phelan as Edgar's most likely Democratic challengers. Burris is certain to seek the nomination, and Netsch is expected to unless party leaders talk her into running for attorney general instead. Also mentioned as possible Democratic gubernatorial contenders are former Atty. Gen. Neil F. Hartigan, Edgar's opponent in 1990, and Alan J. Dixon,

Some other agendas Interest groups' representatives have been packing into committee meetings and Capitol hallways to push their own legislative agendas. Bills relating to welfare, as always, have emerged as touchy issues. The Public Welfare Coalition, for example, finds itself trying to fend off efforts to cut needy residents' benefits while at the same time attempting to improve some services. Among the measures the coalition supports are ones that would expand criteria for public aid eligibility and increase Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) monthly grants for all public aid families. It is opposing efforts that would require parents to provide proof of immunizations for children under five years old and freeze AFDC grant increases for mothers who have additional children. Voices for Illinois Children is touting its kids-oriented proposals, including increasing the Department of Children and Family Services budget to comply with court-mandated reforms. The group would like to see Medicaid expanded to include greater numbers of low-income pregnant women and children, and it advocates that health insurance be provided for children ineligible for Medicaid. Environmental proposals also have been fodder for debate. (Also see pages 16-17 of this magazine.) Members of the Illinois Environmental Council, a statewide coalition of 70 groups advocating environmental quality and resource conservation, want the state to adopt stricter pollution prevention programs for industry and to move forward on tackling hazardous waste. "Illinois has a growing backlog of contaminated sites awaiting cleanup," said Virginia Scott, the council's executive director. "We urge business interests and the legislature to join in the effort to create a new and stable source of funding." That's only a sampling of lobby efforts, each pushing for pieces of the state pie or for less regulation or more. Whatever the interest — from local governments to the insurance industry — it's the groups with agendas that match up with those of the state's powerbrokers that have the best chance of success. Jennifer Halperin

April 1993 /Illinois Issues/23

Legislative Action                                                                

and Alan J. Dixon, Illinois' recently retired U.S. senator.

The current officeholders have been fairly forthright about their intentions to seek the state's highest office, and most are attempting to advance their causes through the legislative forum.

Quinn, for one, has put forth an agenda designed to protect people without bank accounts from high currency exchange fees (see Illinois Issues, January 1993, page 18). Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-18, Evanston) has sponsored two bills along these lines. One would limit fees for cashing public benefit checks to 90 cents for each check presented at one time. It would require currency exchanges to post notices stating that complaints may be made to the Department of Financial Institutions.

Schakowsky also teamed up with Burris to sponsor what the attorney general calls the cornerstone of his legislative agenda: the Prize Promotions and Contests Consumer Protection Act. It's aimed at ending many of the mailings that misleadingly suggest recipients have won or are close to winning huge prizes. If signed into law, the bill would prohibit offering prizes that are not available or misrepresenting the nature of a prize, and it would forbid telling a consumer he or she has is a contest winner or finalist if he or she is not. It also would outlaw sending a consumer a simulated check or invoice, and charging money or requiring a purchase to enter a contest. A violation of the act would be a class A misdemeanor, punishable by up to a year in jail and a $1,000 fine.

While arguably not the most pressing issue among Illinois voters, "junk contest mail" is familiar to just about anyone with a mailbox; it probably served Burris' chief purpose by getting his face on television and his name into newspaper headlines.

His other legislative efforts appear designed to court distinct voting blocs, particularly minorities, women, the elderly and gay people. Those respective measures would: provide financial assistance to minorities and females through fees raised from franchise operations (the measure passed both houses of the legislature last session but was vetoed by Edgar); allow spouses to be prosecuted under criminal sexual abuse statutes; make it a violation of the Consumer Fraud Act to sell a living trust by a nonattomey; and add gay men and women to the list of protected categories under the Illinois Human Rights Act.

Netsch's legislative package shows off her financial expertise, which she is certain to continue touting — especially since Quinn has asserted he knows as much as she does about the state's finances. Basically, she said, her package is designed to reform the budget process in the long run and specifically to protect against future cash flow crises — not the sexiest issue for voters, but certainly a concern.

Her major proposals include the creation of a Balanced Budget Commission, whose sole function would be to provide a balanced, binding budget estimate each fiscal year to limit the amount that could be appropriated. Another of her measures would create a "rainy day" fund made up of a portion of monthly net income tax receipts. It wouldn't be allowed to exceed 5 percent of the revenue base and couldn't be tapped until at least fiscal year 1999.

Netsch also proposed an Illinois Open Budgets Act, which would set a prescribed format for the state budget and make sure it is comprehensive and accurate. The act also would call for inclusion of accountability report cards for every agency. The report card would measure the cost of delivering each agency's services. Netsch said this legislation would effectively stop the practice of depleting year-end cash balances to pay old bills. The final element in her four-pronged package would set a standard format and minimum content requirement for all Truth in Budgeting notes. By essentially consolidating existing fiscal note acts, it would release consistently accurate fiscal information.

The comptroller stressed that her package "would not solve my office's daily $500 million cash-flow problem." Instead, she said, "it's intended to look ahead and set a framework and hopefully prevent the kind of problem we're going through right now."

Phelan's statewide efforts, meanwhile, have so far centered on publicizing his desire to do away with unfundated mandates placed by the state on local governments. Phelan was one of the driving forces pushing an advisory referendum on the question in the November general election. With eight in 10 voters in favor of eliminating such mandates, it's a safe policy to support. In fact, House Republicans already have tried to claim the issue as their own by introducing legislation to put it into law. At the same time, Edgar has vowed to continue vetoing unfunded mandates — a move that has pundits wondering half-jokingly why he and Phelan don't work on the issue together.

Those outside the circle of gubernatorial candidates are pushing their own agendas as well. House Speaker Michael J. Madigan (D-22, Chicago) misses no opportunity to propel his party's interests forward. And with the gubernatorial race coming up, he'll try to back Edgar into positions that can be used against him.

Madigan has made economic development and job creation a priority. "With projections of modest revenue gains for the coming fiscal year, I believe the legislature can give serious consideration to proposals that will put more Illinoisans to work," he said. His proposal to expand the state corporate investment tax credit — a fiscal tactic generally favored by Republicans — is probably designed to paint the governor's political party as incapable of accomplishing much on its own. Madigan worked with the Illinois Manufacturers' Association, an organization that traditionally is at odds with many Democratic proposals, to draft the refined tax credit that he hopes will boost manufac-

Calendar for April Illinois Senate April 1: session; final day for committees to report appropriation bills April 5-9: no session (spring break) April 13-15, 20-23: session April 23: final day for passage of Senate bills April 26-29: session, committee meetings House bills Illinois House April 2: deadline for all House bills out of committee April 5-9: no session (spring break) April 13-15, 20-23: session April 23: Deadline for third reading of all House bills April 27-29: session

24/April 1993/Illinois Issues

turning jobs.

Madigan also appointed a task force [on gaming, to be chaired by Rep. Louis I. Lang (D-Skokie, 16). (See "Names," p. 26.) Gambling was a hushed subject during the session's first few months, but recent talk has ranged from gambling on Lake Michigan to gambling at O'Hare International Airport. Efforts to legalize casino gambling and build a third airport in the Chicago area both fizzled last year in the Statehouse.

Across the hallway from Madigan's fiefdom, Senate President James "Pate" Philip (R-23, Wood Dale) made no secret of his priorities. "The state really needs to improve its business climate," he said. He'd like to see reforms in Illinois' worker's compensation as well as tort reform. Along with other business-friendly efforts, Philip has been champing at the bit for statewide property tax caps and reform in the state's school aid formula to provide districts like his own, in the west suburbs of Chicago, their "fair share" of state money for their schools.

The most common item atop the agendas of the most diverse group of state government politicians is ethics. From the governor to Secy. of State George H. Ryan to Netsch to the packs of new lawmakers roaming the Capitol, everyone is talking about "change" and how voters are crying for Ryan has focused his efforts on opening up the lobbying process. "I'm not interested in tilting at windmills," he said. "It's time to bring the law into the 1990s and to shine new light on the activities of people who are paid to have an impact on state government."

The current law's most serious weakness is that it requires registration only of people who intend to lobby the General Assembly or the governor, he said. Any violation of it is considered a felony, punishable by up to three years in prison. But what's notable — and quite revealing — is that its penalties have not once been invoked in more than 20 years. Ryan's proposals would: broaden the definition of lobbyist to include anyone who lobbies a constitutional officer or executive agency; mandate full disclosure of all lobbying expenditures, including efforts to influence rule-making, contracts and purchasing; clearly list what lobbyists are expected to report and itemize and explain exactly how they are expected to do so; and create a three-year suspension for serious violations and a set of fines to encourage filing these reports on time.

The measures also would require categorization and itemization of each lobbying expenditure, require aggregate reporting of all receptions or other large gatherings of more than 50 attendees and require lobbyists to disclose any immediate family member who holds a position with state government, whether directly compensated or otherwise.

Netsch also has introduced an ethics package, which proposes moving primary elections from March to September and setting up partial public financing of gubernatorial campaigns beginning in 1998. To qualify for the funding, whose source would be a voluntary check-off contribution by state income tax payers, candidates would have to raise $100,000 in individual contributions of $150 or less. Another Netsch proposal would limit the cost of gubernatorial campaigns for candidates who accept public funding to 50 cents per registered voter for primary elections and 85 cents per voter for general elections. She also proposes prohibiting former state employees from accepting state contracts related to their former duties for at least two years after leaving state employment. Netsch also wants stricter limits on contributions from individuals, corporations, political parties and political action committees.

Edgar said he supported a $72,000 budget request to expand the Board of Elections computer system "so that campaign contributions and expenditures can be monitored and analyzed more readily and effectively." That would mark a huge departure from the current system of checking campaign funds, which requires searching through records on microfiche.

It's no surprise that so much talk of change should come at a time when so many people want to look good for voters. But with everyone wanting to take credit as the catalyst for reform, the legislative session could become a forum for politicians' blocking their potential opponents' agendas for change. *

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