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The State of the State Regional differences could hamper GOP strength in the legislature By JENNIFER HALPERIN
During the busy harvest months, a farmer often works more than 24 hours straight, moving heavy machinery back and forth to haul in the season's bounty. Extra duties are not appreciated during those critical weeks. So downstate lawmakers worked hard to repeal recent requirements they said would have made farmers apply for permits each time they needed to move a wide load. "This really would have been a hardship for many farmers," said Sen. Harry "Babe" Woodyard, a Republican from rural Chrisman. Rep. Bill Black, from nearby Danville, put it more bluntly: "This could be a financial disaster for many farmers. Some of my suburban colleagues say, 'What's the big deal about getting the permit?' Well, the big deal is that when you're pulling in a harvest, there's no time to run around getting permits. When we harvest we're working 24, 36 hours straight.
"What makes sense in five or six counties up there drives us crazy, and vice versa." Such differences set the stage for regional divisions in the Illinois General Assembly, especially the House of Representatives, that could make coalition building among Republicans tricky on certain issues. Education and welfare are two that come to mind. Some proposals, such as pro-business tort reforms, have broad support among lawmakers from rural and urban regions. But others that will have different consequences for different parts of the state won't always be supported with such uniformity — as the farm equipment measure illustrates. In the new General Assembly, suburban Republicans have a firm grip on the reins of power. Senate President James "Pate" Philip and likely House Speaker Lee Daniels both hail from DuPage County, west of Chicago. Daniels selected Rep. Robert Churchill of suburban Lake Villa as Republican majority leader. But the numbers show Daniels can't — and probably won't — shunt down-state interests aside to steamroll whatever suburban GOP members want through the House. Of the 64 Republicans elected to the House, two dozen are from districts outside the Chicago and suburban megalopolis. Granted, those areas are widely scattered, from I. Ronald Lawfer's district in the state's northwest corner to Mike Best's district nearly 350 miles south. But many downstate lawmakers' constituents share concerns, including a declining number of agricultural and manufacturing jobs. If they needed to, downstate Republicans could form a bloc large enough to keep their GOP colleagues from passing legislation. And if they joined with Democratic House members, they could really flex some muscle. Illinois is known for its partisanship. But historical tension between city, suburban and rural interests — the 'we give more, they take more' argument that plays itself out over school and transportation spending, for example — also has been important. The relative strength of sectional interests has shifted over time. In the early part of the century, downstate Republican farmers controlled the state's agenda. Ultimately, the rise in Chicago's population and federal court decisions in legislative reapportionment — as well as the election of Mayor Richard J. Daley — gave impetus to the dominance of the Chicago Democratic bloc in the General Assembly. Now we are seeing the political fruition of population shifts away from the city to the Republican suburbs. But regionalism could reassert itself just as that party retakes both legislative chambers. Republicans don't have to look far into the past for a cautionary tale. In the mid-to late-'70s, a group of down-state Democrats, dubbed the Crazy Eight, successfully challenged the Chicago Democrats in the Senate over representation in leadership and on committees. 8/January 1995/Illinois Issues For the time being, however, Philip has managed to keep order among his Republican ranks in the Senate since taking over the chamber two years ago. Woodyard said he and fellow downstate GOP senators formed their own caucus after Republicans took control so they could protect the interests of rural areas and mid-sized cities. They even planned to meet with down-state Democratic colleagues if necessary to protect themselves. But Woodyard said they haven't felt threatened so far. "We haven't met, quite frankly, since very early on," he said. "Some concerns we had were roads, jobs — but the big buzzwords were health care and education, especially when it came to a possible funding formula change." Woodyard says that while regional divisions haven't led to hostile feelings so far, it's important to plan ahead to protect downstate districts from potential conflicts. "Sometimes it's just difficult to explain to a suburban legislator that there's a person in my district who is 40 miles or more away from a hospital," he says. "Or that there's a high school with less than 100 people. I don't think [lawmakers from downstate regions] have always done a good job articulating our concerns in the past, and I want to make sure we can do it when the time comes." As Daniels forms his own leadership style and strategies, he should heed these comments. It's not often that Philip's style would be pointed to as a model, but the Senate president must be doing something right to keep his caucus unified. If Daniels can forge strong coalitions now, and begin laying groundwork for compromises on larger regional battles down the line, he may emerge as the most effective leader of the Republican troika heading state government today.
January 1995/Illinois Issues/9 |
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