J
im Edgar was the right governor at the right time. Cautious and credible, he moved into the state's Executive Mansion in the aftershock of the high-spending '80s, and in the wake of an administration given to grand gestures. After 14 years of "Big Jim" Thompson, Illinoisans were content with a governor who was comparatively dull, and Edgar remained popular throughout his two terms. Though he risked raising the subject of taxes during his first campaign, voters believed his promise of fiscal discipline. And after delivering on his pledge not to surprise them, they re-elected him by the second-widest margin in state history.
Throughout much of his career, the downstate Republican had shown a knack for good timing. He was appointed to his first statewide office and moved up the political ladder to Illinois' top elected post, where he was instinctively suited to solving the state's growing financial crisis. The national economy had weakened and Illinois was living beyond its means when Edgar, a moderate with a modest approach to governing, was elected Illinois' 38th chief executive. He immediately moved to trim spending and reduce a stack of unpaid bills. He won the first permanent increase in the state's income tax and pushed successfully to cap the growth in local property taxes. Edgar's decisions to cut social entitlements, beef up jobs programs and overhaul the state's
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welfare agency were in tune with Washington's move to limit social supports. And his emphasis on smaller government pilot projects and expanded citizen and corporate involvement reflected the tenor of the downsized '90s.
Though he quickly earned a reputation as "Governor No," Edgar increased funding for higher education throughout his eight years, pumped money into early childhood programs and steadily boosted state spending for primary and secondary schools. And, as a capstone on his career, he negotiated with lawmakers a guaranteed level of funding for each elementary and secondary student, meaning the state's poorest schools would be assured of additional dollars at least through the turn of the century.
But this governor's greatest strength was also his greatest weakness. A born administrator, he was naturally suited to managing the state's day-to-day affairs, less comfortable with the give-and-take of an increasingly partisan legislature. And less successful when it came to mobilizing public support and cajoling lawmakers into taking political risks. As a result, Edgar failed an 11th-hour bid to convince lawmakers to find a politically palatable way to shift the locus of school funding away from property wealth. Lawmakers did agree, for the first time, to set and then provide the dollars to fund a minimum foundation level of spending on each elementary and secondary student and allow that foundation level to increase over three years. And they agreed to guarantee funding for those increases. To cover the costs, they cobbled together a package of minor tax hikes. Yet, faced with another election, they would not risk fundamental property tax reform aimed at solving the long-term inequities in education finance. They bypassed debate on shifting the burden for funding schools to a fairer state tax, including the income tax. So Edgar was forced to settle for half a loaf, though, as his supporters argued, a fairly substantial one.
As befitting his temperament, Edgar's tenure was marked by incremental programmatic changes. Nevertheless, he balanced the books and restored the state's credit rating without a general tax increase. And that, as he had promised it would be, was his legacy.
But as the national economy boomed and the state's bank account grew, Edgar decided to step down. His health was a likely concern. He had suffered heart trouble for several years. And family was almost certainly a consideration. So at 52, Edgar accepted a two-year renewable appointment with the University of Illinois' Institute of Government and Public Affairs, where he planned to lecture and conduct seminars.
Edgar faced a $1 billion debt on his first day as governor. And heading into his final month, he expected to leave a $1 billion cash balance for his successor. True to form, his timing was good. He had, he said, always wanted to go out on top. ž
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37 / December 1998 Illinois Issues