Guest essay

TAKE THE SOUND BITE OUT OF CRIME

'Lock 'em up and throw away the key9 represents a realistic approach to handling most violent offenders. But it is unrealistic to employ it as the only corrections strategy

By Mike Lawrence Illustration by Mike Cramer

About 25,000 adults and juveniles are released each year from Illinois prisons. Two in five will return within three years — many for violent offenses. This recidivism takes a staggering human and fiscal toll. It also invites a series of important questions.

Do our leaders have the vision, the ingenuity and the courage to move past the sound bite in order to take a bigger bite out of crime? Can we enhance public safety while halting the costly proliferation of prisons? Can we dramatically reduce the number of repeat offenders by doing a better job of monitoring, mentoring and managing them after they return to their communities? Are there more effective alternatives to imprisonment, particularly for nonviolent offenders?

During the last two decades, Illinois has added 24 correctional institutions — more than one a year. The operating budget for the Department of Corrections has soared from $116.7 million in fiscal year 1978 to $1.05 billion this fiscal year. That 800 percent increase for corrections compares with a 228 percent overall boost in general revenue funds appropriations and a 188 percent climb in state outlays for elementary and secondary education.

Many factors fueled the explosion in prison construction and the accompanying surge in spending on prison operations. Drugs, the breakdown of the nuclear family and gangs all contributed.

So did a spate of laws in response to these problems. Governors and legislators established mandatory minimum sentences, stripping discretion from a judiciary largely viewed as too lenient. This reaction to increased violence on our streets was predictable, and responsive to mainstream public opinion. But it also, at least in part, reflected a political expediency that militates against thoughtful, comprehensive public policy. "Lock 'em up and throw away the key" represents a realistic approach to handling the most violent of our offenders. However, it is unrealistic to employ this approach as the singular, pervasive component of a corrections strategy.

Not all crimes — not even all felonies — call for a life sentence without parole. That means thousands of inmates each and every

28 / May 1999 Illinois Issues


opened door...
To be sure, it will take a huge investment to fully fund a full-scale attack on recidivism and to operate programs at the community level designed to prevent crime, particularly among juveniles. Let's not kid ourselves about that.

Illinois Issues May 1999 / 29


Initiatives to reduce recidivism and prevent crime require investments that may not pay big dividends in the short term, meaning the next election. There may be risks for those who support a re-energizing and revamping of rehabilitation efforts.

year into the foreseeable future will return to the streets of Illinois — most of them to the very communities and neighborhoods in which they committed their crimes — many, if not most, of them to the very circumstances that induced or fostered their unlawful behavior. The drug traffic likely is still there and so are the gangs. If ex-offenders lack the skills to hold a legitimate job, the alternatives of unemployment or illegal employment will loom large.

It is time to address this stark reality squarely and boldly. We need to retool and reinvigorate our parole system in Illinois. Indeed, we need to do much, much more generally at the community level to combat crime at its roots.

This approach does not require repealing all of the mandatory sentencing laws that have been enacted over the years. It does not preclude enacting more of them. It.does not mean blaming society instead of the criminal. It does mean reinstating rehabilitation as a worthwhile objective of the criminal justice system when it comes to dealing with those inmates who will return to society at some point. And it does mean demanding from our elected officials and ourselves an anti-crime strategy that goes well beyond more punishment and more police.

It will take a big-picture view — one that extends the policy-making horizon beyond the next election. But there is a tremendous potential for forging consensus on major reforms in our parole system and more expansive crime prevention initiatives, even among those who hold widely divergent views on mandatory sentencing and some other criminal justice issues.

Our efforts to supervise parolees have been under fire for a long time. Critics run the gamut of the political spectrum. Conservatives tend to focus on inadequate monitoring. Liberals tend to focus on the lack of comprehensive drug treatment and job counseling services for parolees. Actually, a good system requires additional staffing and comprehensive services, a combination that both liberals and conservatives could be convinced to support.

Soon after taking the reins of state government, Gov. George Ryan took the first steps to keep a campaign promise to double the number of parole agents. Even with the increase he pledged as a candidate, however, there will be 366 agents, compared to 33,663 parolees — or one agent for every 92 parolees.

There will not be — and likely never will be — enough agents to provide the constant monitoring that some citizens might expect. But the expectation is unrealistic. We cannot count on parole agents to be our first line of defense against crime — even offenses by parolees. The police have primary responsibility in that regard. But it is realistic to expect a parole system to affect recidivism significantly if it operates strategically and can marshal necessary resources at the community level. Effective parole focuses resources on the intensive supervision and treatment of those inmates deemed more likely to repeat violent crimes.

Effective parole makes an agent more case manager than cop. It empowers that case manager to require participation in substance abuse and sex offender programs. It empowers him or her to require parolees to participate in programs to make them more employable. Effective parole also demands, mobilizes and coordinates government and not-for-profit resources at the community level to assure that good vocational, educational and social services are readily available to the case manager and to the parolee. Effective parole also depends upon drug treatment, educational and employment programs in the prisons so that parolees are better prepared to deal with the inevitable pressures when they return to society.

Former Gov. Jim Edgar began moving toward a more effective approach to parole almost immediately after becoming the state's chief executive. He did so largely in response to the budget crisis he inherited: It made sense to focus the state's limited resources on drug and

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sex offenders requiring the most intensive supervision. An early assessment of that effort by criminal justice professor Thomas Castellano of Southern Illinois University found the effort promising but insufficiently funded as Edgar continued to grapple with putting the state's fiscal house back in order.

To be sure, it will take a huge investment to fully fund a full-scale attack on recidivism and to operate programs at the community level designed to prevent crime, particularly among juveniles. Let's not kid ourselves about that. But money is not the only answer. To the contrary, it makes no sense to pour dollars into inefficient and ineffective programs. But it also makes no sense to shortchange potentially successful anti-recidivism and other crime prevention efforts, particularly when one considers that such neglect virtually will assure continued escalation in spending for prisons.

Alternatives to that escalation, including an overhaul of the parole system, were discussed by criminal justice experts from throughout the state and the nation a few months ago on the Carbondale campus of Southern Illinois University. Prosecutors, judges, current and former chiefs of state prison systems, parole authorities and former inmates offered their recommendations at a symposium hosted by SIU's Public Policy Institute, School of Law and Center for the Study of Crime, Delinquency and Corrections.

For instance, Joseph Hartzler of Springfield, who led the federal prosecution of Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh, argued for more expansive efforts to curb the demand for drugs. Others stressed the need to restrict long-term prison sentences to violent criminals and to expand the use of probation and other alternative punishments that emphasize restitution and accountability to victims and society. Still others advocated early intervention and prevention programs, including identification of emotionally disturbed children at an early age and the development of individual education plans for at-risk children in our schools. All of those approaches, including a dramatic overhaul of the parole system, carry substantial price tags.

'To achieve long-term success in protecting the public safety, elected officials may well have to display statesmanship and courage — turning away from easy slogan-friendly responses to crime and toward approaches that actually will produce better results.'

Demonstrating his commitment to rehabilitation, Gov. Ryan proposed in his first budget a 13 percent increase, from $141 million to nearly $160 million in drug treatment funding. But even that substantial boost will not eliminate the waiting lists of those seeking services.

Without question, initiatives to reduce recidivism and prevent crime require investments that may not pay big dividends in the short term, meaning before the next election. Moreover, there may be political risks for those who support a re-energizing and revamping of rehabilitation efforts. If the state moves more boldly into intensive supervision of parolees most likely to repeat their offenses, it means less scrutiny of others. And if one of the unlikely repeaters commits a horrible crime, the media and political opponents likely will second-guess the policies and votes that reformed the system — even if the successes far outweigh the failures.

A statement issued at the close of the SIU symposium by the Public Policy Institute confronted the political and governmental tensions directly. "There will be significant costs to many of these initiatives. But there are also costs — in both fiscal and human terms — to building one prison after another and failing to reduce recidivism among offenders who return to our neighborhoods and communities.

"To achieve long-term success in protecting the public safety, elected officials may well have to display statesmanship and courage — turning away from easy, slogan-friendly responses to crime and toward approaches that actually will produce better results. We should ask nothing less of them." 

Mike Lawrence, a former journalist and senior adviser to Gov. Edgar, is associate director of the Public Policy Institute at the Carbondale campus of Southern Illinois University.

Illinois Issues May 1999 / 31


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