The state of the State

Will new governor reorganize?

REORGANIZATION of Illinois state government is a lively possibility under the next state administration, whether Democrat Michael J. Hewlett or Republican James R. Thompson is elected governor. Hewlett reorganized the secretary of state's office when he took charge there in 1973, and if he were governor, might not his inclination be the same? There's no guessing about Thompson. He has appointed a three-member group to form a "task force to undertake a massive review of state government" (see Names, p. 33).

81 separate agencies
A chart of state government, now available to subscribers to Illinois Issues, shows how complex state government has become. There are now 81 separate agencies in the executive branch, including the elected constitutional officers and educational institutions and boards. The first reorganization of state government in Illinois and in the nation took place in 1917 during the administration of Gov. Frank O. Lowden. The Civil Administrative Code, enacted at that time, combined more than 100 largely independent boards and commissions into nine code departments. Now there are 22 code departments. The other 59 executive agencies include the 6 offices of the elected executives; 40 more or less independent miscellaneous agencies; 10 agencies in the field of education, including the elected board of trustees of the University of Illinois; plus the Bureau of the Budget, the State Board of Elections, and the Military and Naval Department.

Weakened control
Traditionally this type of organization has been criticized because so many agencies report to the chief executive that his control over them is weakened. The chief executive is elected and responsible to the people, and if he can't find time to deal with all the agencies, some say this weakens popular control of the bureaucracies. But almost everyone who is familiar with the way government operates agrees that this is too simple an explanation of how control over the agencies is maintained. Public agencies are controlled and restricted not only by the chief executive and his Bureau of the Budget but also by laws, federal as well as state; by the courts; by the legislature and its committees and commissions; by federal agencies when spending of federal funds is involved; by the Department of Personnel or an equivalent bureau; by the Department of General Services or other central procurement agency; by the state comptroller; by the auditor general; in many cases by the influence of the clientele which is served, and finally to some degree by political party functionaries.

Less red tape
Unfortunately, some of the central agencies which exercise controls over operating agencies are not responsible for achieving the operating objective of providing the best possible service at the lowest possible cost. This, of course, is a point that will be hotly argued — but ask any administrator about his problems with central supply agencies, budget offices, personnel agencies and the like. Instead, they are concerned with enforcing the controls entrusted to them — necessary controls, it may be — but the outcome may be that nobody is clearly responsible for effective administration. One of the reasons advanced for regrouping state agencies into fewer but larger departments is that some of these controls might be internalized so as to enable the agency to cut the red tape and achieve its mission.

Another goal of reorganization might be to reduce public confusion over where to go to obtain a particular kind of governmental service — or even to obtain information. For example, elsewhere in this magazine an article describes the various services available to the handicapped {see pp. 12-15). Services of this kind, it turns out, are provided by six different agencies. Grouping these services together in a single Department of the Disabled might be advantageous to those needing such services. But there would be disadvantages too. One disadvantage of any reshuffling is that, for a time, people in and out of government have to learn the ropes all over again. Employees of the merged agencies are uncertain about their jobs. There is no guarantee that the best qualified will rise to the top. Indeed, the opposite may happen. The fellow who knows his job may spend too much time at his desk — and not playing the game of office politics that may be necessary to survive a reorganization.

Successes and failures
Three comprehensive reorganization efforts have taken place in Illinois (see March 1975, p. 85ff), the 1917 effort already mentioned, the effort during the Adlai Stevenson administration in 1951, and a third effort in 1967 during the Otto Kerner administration. Gov. Dan Walker served on the staff of the commission which brought forth the 1951 proposal. Neither the 1951 nor 1967 efforts resulted in major changes — a factor which may explain why Walker has been cool to any major reorganization. The new Constitution permits the governor to reorganize by executive order, subject to a legislative veto (Article V, section 11), but Walker has not used that power.

Arvid Hammers, who wrote the article on reorganization referred to above, gives two reasons for Lowden's remarkable success in achieving a comprehensive reorganization in 1917: (1) Lowden pressed for reorganization at the beginning of his term, and (2) he is said to have used patronage to get results. Stevenson and Kerner, on the other hand, did not get around to attempting reorganization until they had been in office for some time. If this analysis is correct, Thompson is right in starting now to look into the possibilities. Hewlett, with his long familiarity with state government, is probably developing his own plans, too. / W.L.D.

28 / June 1976 / Illinois Issues


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