THIRD IN A SERIES OF FOUR ARTICLES By BRITTA B. HARRIS
A Lincoln housewife, and mother of five, Ms. Harris followed and researched the events of the Oakley Dam controversy for seven years in order to write her master's thesis in public administration for the University of Illinois at Urbana. She has also taught political science at Lincoln College.

Oakley Dam, Act III: Enterprises of great pith and moment . . . their currents turn awry and lose the name of action

The years 1966 through 1969 were marked by escalation of the Oakley conflict and increasing attempts at compromise. The University of Illinois tried an alternative drawn up by an outside engineering firm. Hopes were raised when Ogilvie was elected in 1968, and the state's 'Waterways Alternative' appeared to satisfy everyone. But the compromise collapsed under the weight of suspicion, secrecy and self-interest

IN SPITE OF predicted upstream damages in Piatt County and in Allerton Park, a property owned by the University of Illinois, the plans of the U.S. Corps of Engineers for the construction of Oakley Dam near Decatur grew more ambitious throughout the 1960's. The federal agency announced in 1966 a new plan which doubled the size of earlier plans. From 1962 to 1966, the project increased in area by 219 percent, from 6,700 acres to 21,300 acres, and in cost from $27.2 million to $62.4 million.

The projected expansion of the reservoir improved public benefits and guaranteed more political support. The Illinois Department of Business and Economic Development was enthusiastic about Oakley as an attraction for tourists as well as a factor to promote industrial development. Federal officials and the Illinois Department of Conservation encouraged a larger, deeper lake for better recreation, and more water to dilute pollution downstream from Decatur was urged by the Illinois Department of Public Health.

Behind the Oakley scene was a group of civilian staffers in the Corps' district office in Chicago who were determined to build the dam as their first major reservoir project. A procession of military officers who served as district engineers automatically promoted the project. That Oakley was to be built was established policy, and succeeding colonels, briefed by the staff, rose to Oakley's defense. Corps' officials repeatedly emphasized intentions to listen to and cooperate with all interests in the affected area, but they turned away from claims made by Piatt County residents and the University of Illinois. The Corps' negative attitude was most apparent in its relations with the Committee of Allerton Park(COAP), a citizens' committee formed to save the University facility for its prized scientific, educational and cultural purposes, Not until it was able to manifest popular strength did the COAP have any real leverage in Oakley planning.

Opposition arguments produced some congressional response. Democratic Sen. Paul Douglas said that he tried to exercise some scrutiny over Corps' projects as they developed, but that control by the engineers over details was practically unlimited. Douglas exhibited a cautious willingness to help Piatt County, and he also recognized that the expansion of Oakley would conflict with research activities at Allerton Park. The problem was difficult for him since he had insisted that more recreation benefits be included in the project. He was also committed to Decatur's search for more water. Republican Congressman William Springer, who was more closely identified with project planning, also responded to his Piatt constituents, but he tried to impress them with the economic possibilities of a larger lake. Rejecting accusations that Oakley was solely for Decatur water, Springer insisted that flood control for downstream agricultural benefits was Oakley's major justification. He said the reservoir was one of 16 projects in a grand plan to control the entire Illinois tributary system. As far as he was concerned, the conservation of downstream farms overrode any concern for Allerton which he described as an "impenetrable jungle."

At the University, there were divisions of opinion among members of the faculty and administration. Some saw Oakley advantages; others wanted to establish Allerton Park as a valid public interest. University President David Henry, in the middle, valued Allerton Park but did not want to be at cross-purposes with Decatur. Some University scientists were suspicious of the

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The U. of I. faded under political pressure, and in 1966 the Committee on Allerton Park rose up to fight the dam

Corps' cost-benefit figures. They had little confidence in the Corps' justification of benefits for low flow augmentation using water to dilute Decatur's sewage. Professor Lawrence Bliss, a University botanist, told President Henry that the University's excellent position in environmental studies could not be maintained without Allerton's research facilities. Professor S. C. Kendeigh, chairman of the University's Committee on Natural Areas, emphasized the value of Allerton for environmental study. The new Oakley design, Kendeigh said, would place 90 per cent of the University's experiments, some reaching back 30 years, under two feet of water. The Corps' Oakley studies were regarded skeptically by University scientists, and it was asserted that no examination of underground water supplies for Decatur's use had been made. Regarding evidence supporting sewage dilution for Decatur, scientists accused the Corps of proving a point by gathering data, which could provide no other answers.

University scientists, joined by the Illinois Natural History Survey and the Illinois Nature Preserves Commission, termed Oakley an ecological disaster. Their questioning drew political pressure as well as objections from Clarence Klassen, chief of the State Division of Sanitary Engineering. Klassen, who had been instrumental in setting new high water quality standards in Illinois, had long favored restoration of the Sangamon River whose flow had been blocked by Lake Decatur for over 40 years. Klassen was disturbed that any state agency would take a position contrary to the pro-Oakley policies expressed by the state administration. He said that Allerton's research facilities could not be measured against the values of water supply and quality.

Demands for a study of Oakley alternatives began to have some effect at federal levels, but when it became apparent that the Corps was hesitating. Decatur City councilman, Henry Bolz, warned against any slowdowns. He said the value of Oakley to sport, health and conservation was evident, but that the key to she project was Decatur water. Bolz also hinted Decatur might pull out and look for other sources of water. Confident of their position, Decatur leaders knew that without the city sharing part of the expense, the project's ratio of cost to value was too thin.

Pressure was put on the state to push for Oakley's progress and Gov. Otto Kerner turned to the state Technical Advisory Committee (TAC), a group of state agencies assigned to coordinate state activities in water resource development. Of the nine TAC agencies, the Department of Business and Economic Development (BED) was the first among equals- Eugene Graves, head of both the BED and TAC, urged the group to approve a letter to the Corps pledging state support for the higher dam. The TAC sent the letter, but the decision was not unanimous. John Guillou, chief of the Illinois Division of Waterways, protested to Gov. Kerner's office that since his agency had never been requested to prepare a position relative to Oakley, it was exceedingly difficult for him to justify the state's endorsement. Ben Ewing, director of the state's Water Resources Center, objected to the way Graves had dictated state support. Graves said it was the Department of Health, which had suggested Oakley changes and that with the larger lake, there would be a better chance for a new state park in Central Illinois. As far as he was concerned, the matter was closed.

TAC letter stiffens opposition
The TAC letter had a serious impact upon University deliberations. The administration had hoped for more time to study alternatives. Trying to chart a course for the University to follow was difficult since administration officials were denied a copy of the Corps' preliminary "General Design Memorandum" for Oakley. The Corps told the University there was little that could be done to protect Allerton. Persuaded that further attempts to change the project were futile, the University Board of Trustees acknowledged that Oakley would be for the public's benefit. Considering other matters, such as University negotiations with the Corps for a large research facility near the campus, the Board found itself in a delicate position. Later, Waiter Keith director of Allerton Park, cited the University's decision as proof that environmental issues should be handled on a broader basis where political influence would be less significant.

The University's official decision, in October 1966, to give up, marked the end of a weak University effort to save Allerton Park, Reacting to the capitulation, a group of University faculty members and Champaign area citizens organized the Committee on Allerton Park (C'OAP). The new committee regarded Oakley as a typical pork barrel project. It had all the indispensable ingredients: a zealous chamber of commerce, a sympathetic congressman and the Corps of Engineers. Convinced that Oakley was being built for the benefit of Decatur's grain processors, the COAP vowed to prove that the project involved social costs, which were greater than any claimed benefits.

COAP questions Oakley benefits
The COAP called upon its members and professional experts to examine each Oakley benefit. One by one, in press releases, interviews, and a variety of publications, the benefits were torn apart. The COAP argued that Decatur should take care of us sewage problems with advanced waste treatment. Recreation, it was asserted, was overrated in Oakley's plans since there would be no boating or swimming. Summer drawdowns, creating obnoxious mudflats, would discourage most recreation. Flood control was also questioned, Bruce Hannon, COAP leader, said Oakley offered only 15 per cent flood protection downstream and that the whole project was trumped up to make more upstream dams inevitable. The COAP recognized Decatur's water problem but recommended drilling wells for a supplemental municipal supply. Aiming at what they regarded as the project's Achilles' heel, the COAP accused the Corps of not meeting congressional requirements for returns on public investments.

The COAP also complained to John Guillou about the use of the Sangamon River for sewage dilution. Guillou agreed that the COAP had a valid case. The state waterways chief objected to Corps' procedures in water resource

22 / November 1976 / Illinois Issues


development as being autocratic., regimented and mission-oriented. He said (hat Illinois was not adaptable to their programs since there were too few deep water sites, and developing reservoirs on flat land was not a good idea Guillou sought the governor's approval of a plan which would bring federal, state and local officials together for compromise discussions. He was convinced that water quality should be dropped as a project benefit. Guillou agreed with Oakley opponents about the feasibility of alternatives, and he advised the University not to take the Corps' word as gospel. He felt it would be difficult to persuade the Corps to lower the pool's elevation, but he was certain that it could be done with an increase in benefits.

U. of I. reenters the fray
In 1967, newly elected University Trustee Ralph Hahn, a Springfield engineer, asked the Board to reopen the Oakley-Allerton matter. Hahn and other University officials, in meetings with the Corps, found that engineers refused to share information. Put off by the Corps' stubborn attitude, Hahn was certain that the only effective way to deal with the Corps was to acquire an independent source of engineering data. Hahn was sure that the Corps would eventually be amenable to Oakley alternatives if some official way could be found to authorize changes. The University trustee believed that the Corps, not accustomed to dealing with environmental concerns, had been backed into a corner on Oakley. He was certain that Decatur would go along with changes, especially if the project included another reservoir upstream from Oakley. It was also known that members of the congressional delegation were eager to end a conflict, which was becoming difficult to handle.

Evidence collected by a University committee investigating the impact of Oakley on Allerton Park added to the movement to seek additional technical assistance. As a result of the committee's efforts, the University Board of Trustees hired the Harza Engineering firm of Chicago. It was a significant move which promised to introduce some hard facts which the Corps could not easily dismiss. Corps' officials were unhappy about this development, but they had failed to realize that growing doubts about Oakley stemmed, in part, from their own continued refusal to share information.

For those searching for compromise, tiara's report, released in May 1968, seemed to offer some hope. The engineering consultants told University officials that. Allerton was not a lost cause, the Harza report gave a substantial boost to University claims and assured Allerton partisans that the University could be counted on to defend the park. In the report, the Corps was challenged to prove that Oakley planning met established professional standards of land and water management. Harza's engineers thought there were less expensive means for flood control. The report proposed a supplemental reservoir at Friend's Creek, upstream from Oakley, to store water for sewage dilution and to allow a lower Oakley pool level. For Decatur's water supply, Harza engineers suggested the combined use of a ground water supply system which could be coordinated with the surface water system during drought periods. To reduce sedimentation storage volume, a program of watershed erosion control was mentioned.

In May 1968, congressional hearings provided a platform for the first public confrontation between the Oakley-Allerton forces. Both sides realized that growing opposition had placed Oakley's appropriation in a sensitive position. The pro-Oakley group included officials from the Corps, the state and a large delegation from Decatur. The anti-Oakley group included representatives from Piatt County and the COAP. Speaking for Decatur, Attorney Thomas Samuels, a leader in the city's chamber of commerce, said Oakley would provide opportunities for 10,000,000 people living within a half-day's drive of the reservoir. He saw no legitimate objection to Oakley and said that only a small percentage of Allerton's visitors ever saw the bottomlands. Basic to the testimony of Oakley's opponents was the contention that, until the 1968 hearings, the people of the upper Sangamon Valley had not been able to publicly present their views. Professor Lawrence Bliss testified that engineers, politicians and other decision-makers needed to be educated about the consequences of their decisions. Most Oakley opponents were satisfied with the hearings, but one COAP leader pessimistically commented, "Nobody in government listens to you unless you hit them with a brick."

COAP members had a busy year in 1968. They kept the Oakley-Allerton issue in the news with a variety of publicity campaigns including a statewide petition to save the park. Oakley's defenders in Decatur countered with similar publicity campaigns. The total effect was to expose the public to a variety of facts revealing the complexities of a public works project which had once seemed simple. Although Allerton forces had widespread popular support, they did not have the political influence of their Decatur counterparts. The COAP had yet to reach the three men who could save Allerton Park, Sens. Everett Dirksen and Charles Percy and Congressman William Springer.

The COAP, looking for official influence, engaged in political activities during the 1968 Illinois election campaign. Both Richard Ogilvie, a Republican running for governor and Attorney General William dark, a Democrat running for the U.S. Senate, were candidates in need of issues, dark was strong on environmental issues, and, at first, favored Allerton's cause. The issue did not help his campaign, and he soon declared that water for Decatur was essential. Working both sides of the political fence, the COAP was able to convince Ogilvie that there was a compelling need to settle the long dispute. With Ogilvie's election, the COAP believed that John Guillou's suggestions for a state-sponsored compromise would gain administrative approval.

Decatur questions State Water Survey
The move for an Oakley review was strengthened by an Illinois State Water Survey report made public in August 1968 which established incontestably that underground water sources to supply Decatur were available. These sources were not sufficient, however, to dilute Decatur sewage which flowed into the Sangamon. The Illinois State Water Survey regarded such a use as a threat to area water supplies. Officials estimated privately that the cost of the underground water would be about $2,500,000, compared to the $5,590,000 which Decatur had agreed to pay for water from Oakley. The Corps asked Decatur to reevaluate its municipal water needs, and the city responded with a letter disputing the reports of both Harza and the Illinois State Water

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After hard bargaining with Decatur in 1969, the state proposed its 'Waterways Alternative,' featuring a tributary reservoir that would not flood Allerton

Survey. Decatur City Manager Robert Semple said the underground supplies were for emergency use only. The Corps subsequently denounced suggestions for the use of underground water. John Guillou, however, noted that Decatur could develop available ground water sources more economically than it could develop a long-term water supply on the Sangamon River.

Gov. Ogilvie's mail ran heavily in favor of a compromise, and John Guillou persuaded the administration that a compromise was both possible and necessary. Continued opposition and a new, higher project cost of $70 million were bound to have a negative effect on congressional appropriations subcommittees. Pro-Oakley forces tried to break the gathering momentum for compromise, but the state was now determined to find some middle ground. The situation became more complicated when the Corps announced that it was considering, among several alternatives, the possibility of raising Oakley (again!) from 636 feet to 641 feet (above sea level). The COAP, anticipating a failure in compromise efforts, began exploring possibilities for legal action against the Corps.

Decatur backers were determined to influence the impending compromise towards their side, and great pressure was directed at the state administration. However, newly appointed state Director of Public Works and Buildings William Cellini backed up by what seemed to be a feasible technical alternative to Oakley prepared by Guillou, was in a good position to persuade Decatur to accept. Cellini said Decatur did not realize that anti-Oakley arguments had convinced Washington not to move unless there were some modifications. Decatur Attorney Thomas Samuels advised Cellini that they didn't care how high or how low the dam was as long as Oakley's basic purposes were not emasculated. If the project failed, Samuels told Cellini that resistance to the project could do the University incalculable harm. During 1968, partisans from both sides engaged in hot verbal battles which shed little light on the issues. Samuels accused the University of succumbing to "the Big Lie," and Bruce Hannon labelled the Corps' work "a mass of deception."

Following several private meetings between the state and Decatur at which some hard bargaining took place, the state was prepared to present a plan to the University which "Decatur would buy." By May 27, 1969, a verbal agreement between all parties was reached. The compromise overcame two problems which had plagued Oakley: the lack of state participation and the division of public opinion. The Corps endorsed the meeting of interests but reserved the privilege of examining the plan before stating its position.

The state offers a compromise
The 1969 compromise, called "The Waterways Alternative," was estimated to cost $7 million less than the Corps' 1966 design. There was more water for Decatur with the addition of a tributary reservoir at Friend's Creek. A bonus for Central Illinois residents was a "green-belt" recreation area along the river downstream from Decatur. The COAP was appeased by a lower conservation pool at 621 feet and by the fact that diluting Decatur's sewage had been left out. However, the environmentalist group warned that its continued cooperation hinged upon the maintenance of the pool at 621 feet and a 7,000 cubic foot-per-second reservoir release rate, which would protect the park from floods. The University also made it clear that its approval was based on the Waterways Alternative, and that any changes would lead to a withdrawal of support. Walter Keith advised the University administration to watch the situation and to continue collecting data. In Decatur, there was also an air of caution.

The Waterways Alternative was the light before the storm. The 1969 congressional hearings proceeded without a hitch, and state officials felt they had done their job well. But before long, the same old problems surfaced in a new area. Citizens in the rural community of Argenta, close to the proposed Friend's Creek Reservoir, were dismayed that a new project had been suggested without consulting them or considering possible damage to their farm and village drainage systems. Angry citizens would not be mollified by state assurances; they believed that farms would be damaged and divided, that the village would have flooding problems and that a school district would be split in half by the reservoir.

Matters took another bad turn when the University learned that the state intended to alter the Waterways Alternative. Walter Keith asked John Guillou to explain changes planned by the state. Keith was concerned that piecemeal changes, in the aggregate, could be substantial. Guillou maintained that there was no real change in the state's position since the state had never really expected the Corps to accept the Waterways Alternative in detail. A skeptical University decided to withhold project approval pending further review.

As far as COAP members were concerned, the agreement was broken. They vowed to reject any agreement which did not have the force of taw. The Allerton partisans moved to a more aggressive strategy and urged the University to do the same. Bruce Hannon, resuming his attacks on the Corps' flood control benefit, said that the Corps had made an error in design which amounted to $1,000,000 and reduced Oakley flood control justification to a shambles. The University did not share the COAP's desire to discredit the Corps, and stood aside from COAP activities, preferring to wait for the Corps' report on the Waterways Alternative.

Commenting on the Oakley epic, Illinois State Water Survey Chief William Ackerman said, "It has been a fascinating struggle to observe, and yet a costly way for society to work its will." The Corps' review of the compromise was strictly an internal affair. No one knew what the engineers would do, but everyone was certain that Oakley's water level would again be raised. Allerton backers were bitterly disappointed by false hopes raised by the state compromise, and Oakley partisans worried about delays in Oakley's schedule, and Oakley had been on the Corps' drawing boards for 30 years, and there was still a long way to go. 

To be concluded next month.

24 / November 1976 / Illinois Issues


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