The Democrats in Atlanta

The Illinois delegation (front row from left): U.S. Sens. Simon and Dixon, Chicago Mayor Sawyer, U.S. Rep. Rostenkowski, Illinois Atty. Gen. Hartigan. In the second row just behind Simon are state Senate President Rock and state Democratic party chairman, state Sen. Demuzio.   Photo by Ken Burnette

The Democratic National Convention in Atlanta was a personal triumph for Massachusetts Gov. Michael Dukakis and a party triumph for national Democrats everywhere.

From the outset Dukakis was in total command of the convention. Almost everything that occurred in the hot and humid convention city was orchestrated by the Dukakis forces (notwithstanding Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton's endless nomination speech). They handled the Rev. Jesse Jackson and his delegates (approximately 25 percent of the convention's total) with a "delicate firmness." Dukakis allowed his main adversary to lose gracefully and with dignity. He compromised and conceded to Jackson on important but not critical platform planks in the name of unity. However, when it came to crunch time — putting delegate numbers on the Omni Scoreboard — the convention's colors were overwhelmingly Dukakis blue and not Jackson red.

Jackson's emotion packed and conciliatory convention speech and his full endorsement of the Dukakis-Bentsen ticket defers but does not end his personal quest for the White House. He and his forces gave only surface unity to the Democratic ticket, thereby continuing Jackson's growth as a party player.

At the 1984 convention in San Francisco Jackson earned political respect, while in Atlanta he emerged as a political insider. A fascinating question for politicians and pundits to ponder is: What will Jackson do in 1992 if Dukakis wins in 1988?

The ongoing Jackson fervor and the candidate's unwillingness to admit defeat — be it after the June 7th California primary or even after the first-ballot Dukakis convention victory (many Jacksonites still claim that 1988 was a victory for their candidate) — may help Dukakis in November in an unusual way. In Atlanta the Massachusetts governor sent a message to America that he was willing to match Jackson's personal energy with his own hardnosed and tough-minded political skills. Dukakis' political metaphor, "that a campaign can have only one quarterback," was a masterful way to let Jackson and the country know that he was the sole winner of the 1988 Democratic nomination battle. Still, as long as Jackson remains the most visible and vocal espouser of leftist-liberal, or so-called progressive causes, Dukakis becomes more of a centrist simply because he beat Jackson in Atlanta. As one delegate told me, "no one can outleft Jesse in America," and for the Dukakis-Bentsen campaign that is fine with them.

Unlike 1984, Democrats leaving Atlanta truly believed they have a good chance of winning the presidency. In my view, there are two little-discussed reasons for this optimism:

• First, Dukakis is the first Democratic presidential nominee in history whose background is not rural or urban, but suburban. In lifestyle, temperament and attitude, Dukakis is a suburban homeowner. Demographically, given the growth of suburban vote power, Dukakis is a perfect choice. Politically, like many other suburban pols, Dukakis can stress his beliefs in good government and administrative professionalism. His politics are not the politics of passion but of process. Thus, unlike any other past Democratic presidential candidate, Dukakis has credibility when he downplays his reform-minded liberalism by saying "the election is about competence not philosophy."
• Second, Vice President George Bush, and not President Ronald Reagan, will lead the Republican ticket. Without question the surest applause line for any convention speaker in Atlanta was a George Bush tweak. Democratic dislike and disdain for the 1988 GOP nominee was widespread and crossed racial, regional and philosophical lines. Unlike the past two presidential contests, Democrats in 1988 believe that they will have the more personable and appealing candidate, and they will try to cast the election as a contest between Dukakis, a frugal family man, and Bush, a monied, preppy aristocrat.

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What about Illinois? As in the past Democratic conventions, only 49 3/4 of the 50 state delegations were concerned about the national ticket. The other 1/4 consisted of the Chicago Democrats of the Illinois delegation, and the 1989 city mayoral election dominated their movements and their thinking. To be sure, Dukakis, Jackson and national issues received lip service from many of Illinois' big city players, but dreams of City Hall and not the White House filled their heads. "Reverse Federalism" worked again. To Chicago pols, local politics have always been more important than national anything.

Most of the leading Chicago mayoral candidates were in Atlanta — Mayor Eugene Sawyer, Aldermen Tim Evans (4th Ward), Danny Davis (29th Ward) and Ed Burke (14th Ward). The black pols all tried to cloak themselves in the Jackson mantle, with Sawyer clearly coming out on top. If anything, the maneuvering and lobbying in the Illinois delegation surrounding issues like "honorary favorite son status for Jackson" or positions on platform planks revealed the importance of mayoral incumbency in Chicago politics. Sawyer was the main man. He spoke at the convention; he negotiated compromises for the Jackson delegation; and he alone had a hospitality suite for the delegation. By no means were Evans or Davis mute and motionless at the convention, but even some of their leading political activists were seen deferring to Sawyer when decisions had to be made.

As for Burke and other white ethnic pols, they were less visible in their Chicago courting. Unlike 1983, these individuals are waiting to see which black mayoral candidates emerge — and how many — before they reveal their City Hall game plans.

As a lifelong fan of Chicago politics, I was encouraged to see national and international leaders at this convention recognize a historic fact about the Windy City: Its politics are the toughest in America, if not in the world.

On Thursday afternoon of the convention, I attended a briefing for invited foreign dignitaries (I scooted in with the Irish ambassador) who heard from Chuck Campion, a high-ranking Dukakis operative and the 1984 Mondale-Ferraro Illinois campaign director. In response to questions about regional differences in American politics, Campion, a Boston native, reflected that he once thought his hometown politics were brutal, but after his 1984 experiences in Illinois he now believes, "The differences between Boston and Chicago politics are similar to the differences between the Cub Scouts and the Hell's Angels."

What about Atlanta? What can you say about a city that oozes humidity 24 hours a day, but calls itself the most livable city in America; that has a black mayor, Andrew Young, who wants to be governor of a state whose Capitol lawn is littered with statues of some of the nation's most famous past segregationists; and a city that claims its people are too busy to hate while its northern collar counties fill up with fleeing Atlanta whites? It is a city of contradictions. Atlanta, to paraphrase the late president John F. Kennedy's line about Washington, D.C., "is a city of northern charm and southern efficiency."

What about the general election? George Bush and the Republicans have a problem. Since 1960, each time the Democrats have avoided self-destruction at their national convention, they have whipped the GOP in the fall (1960, 1964, 1976). Democratic unity in Atlanta was widespread, though admittedly not very deep. Still, in the delegation from Illinois, a state that was potentially more explosive than most, the convention ended with black activist and Jackson adviser Bob Starks of Chicago saying, "All black people in Illinois are asking for is unity without uniformity.'' His conciliatory tone was matched by state party chairman and state Sen. Vince Demuzio (49-Carlinville), who labored mightily throughout the convention to find common ground between the Jackson and Dukakis forces.

Perhaps the convention's most memorable Illinois event occurred on Wednesday morning at the delegation's hotel, the Ramada Capitol Plaza (more aptly dubbed by the Chicago Tribune's "Inc." column as "Hotel Hell"). In the hallway, three powerful black women leaders from Chicago discussed a delegation-supported compromise that made Jackson the state's honorary favorite son without binding delegates to his candidacy. Attacking the compromise was Nancy Jefferson, a west side community leader; defending the deal was the Rev. Addie Wyatt, co-pastor of the southside Vernon Park Church of God and Mayor Sawyer's minister; and kibitzing at the discussion was the Rev. Willie Barrow of Operation PUSH. Though the conversation was heated, none of the participants was thinking about walking out or even staging a floor fight. Like their leader, Jesse Jackson, no one at this convention wanted to wear the collar of Democratic disunity.

The 1988 presidential election is going to be an electoral cliff-hanger. Despite early August polls showing Dukakis in the lead, the Republicans are not without powerful weapons of their own. They will match the Reagan presidency against the Carter presidency. They will attempt to portray Democratic unity as being phony. They will paint the Democratic party as still being dedicated to high taxes and increased government spending. Most important for the GOP is that the country is philosophically still in a conservative and not a liberal mood. In the fall campaign, Dukakis will run against Bush, but Bush will run against the entire Democratic party.

Walking away (quickly) from Atlanta, I was impressed with three facts that separated this Democratic convention from the one in San Francisco in 1984. First, the Dukakis people realized that the general election and not the nomination was the ultimate goal. Unlike 1984, electoral college votes and regional campaign considerations were high priorities at the convention. Second, Dukakis, the man, has the fire in his belly to win and govern as president. Third, to fuel his fire his people are confident the Dukakis campaign will raise at least $50 million for the fall campaign.□

Paul M. Green, director of the Institute for Public Policy and Administration at Governors State University, is a regular contributor to Illinois Issues. His book, Paul Green's Chicago, based on his columns and articles in the magazine since 1974, was published this summer by Illinois Issues.

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