Chicago

Street level politics:
the party era isn't over

By PAUL M. GREEN

Computer technology, electronic wizardry and media consultants aside, there is no better way to feel the political pulse than to hit the pavement on election day. The following are my observations concerning street-level politics in Chicago on November 3.

The Carol Moseley Braun/Rich Williamson U.S. Senate contest — and race. Many longtime Democratic ward committeemen on the southwest and northwest sides were clearly worried about potentially sharp vote drop-offs for Carol Moseley Braun and to a lesser extent Bill Clinton. These wards are filled with so-called Reagan Democrats, who in the past have deserted their party to support more conservative Republican candidates. Adding to the pols' fears, especially on the southwest side, were the significant number of other African Americans running for major offices. Unlike earlier battles the value of party unity (save for the Cook County state's attorney contest) proved more powerful in 1992 than 1980s style racial divisiveness.

In the end faith in party overcame racial fears, although one big-time ward committeeman said, "The Medicaid story really hurt Braun . . . without it she would have smothered [Rich] Williamson in my ward."

The county races. It was almost Dream Ticket II. In 1987, Chicago Mayor Harold Washington and House Speaker Michael J. Madigan worked out a racially/ethnically balanced Cook County Democratic ticket for the 1988 election. It swept to victory. In 1992 the results were almost the same for Democrats except for the stunning reelection victory of incumbent GOP State's Attorney Jack O'Malley over his opponent, Alderman Pat O'Connor (in 1988 Richard M. Daley was the Democratic state's attorney candidate).

In other Cook County contests, Democrats were victorious in 1992. For recorder of deeds, Jesse White easily defeated Republican Susan Catania (Braun was the winner on the 1988 Democratic dream ticket). For circuit court clerk, incumbent Aurelia Pucinski clobbered Republican Herb Schumann. Democrats also swept the three seats on the metropolitan water reclamation district, and they won the state Supreme Court seat and most of the circuit court judgeships in the county (Democrats lost judgeships only in a few suburban subdistricts).

So what happened to state's attorney? O'Malley parlayed overwhelming suburban support, important media endorsements, big campaign bucks and a well-run "Back Jack" campaign to stomp O'Connor. But that is not all of the story. On the streets of Chicago it was clear that O'Malley had de facto support in very high Democratic places. There was no street heat for O'Connor anywhere in the city (he even lost his own north side 40th Ward to O'Malley). And although it's probably a coincidence, O'Malley's punch number was 132, which made it rather simple for pols to tell voters to punch 32 (straight Democratic party) and then 132 (O'Malley).

Exterior decorator's award. The fall colors were in full bloom outside several 23rd and 13th Ward polling places. Red punch-32 signs blended beautifully with blue-and-white Clinton/Braun posters to form a welcome path for

38/December 1992/Illinois Issues

weary citizens treading to the polls.

Yuppies united or dressing/or democracy. Precinct 52 in Ward 43 is located in a very posh upscale neighborhood on the near north side. It's a huge precinct (1,150 voters), and as in many other big polling places voters are organized by last name. One judge handles A-H, the next I-N, etc. What is remarkably different, however, in this precinct is the sartorial splender of its residents. No baggy brown suits nor mismatched socks for its precinct captains. The last voter I saw enter the polling place arrived in her sporty Mercedes 450 SEL, was dressed to the "nines" in North Michigan Avenue designer clothes and carried a tasteful leather briefcase with a strange looking logo. Indeed much of Chicago is becoming a city of padded shoulders for women and of wide suspenders for men.

The 8th Ward regular Democratic organization does it the old fashioned way. Entering the 8th Ward headquarters on South Cottage Grove Avenue on November 3, one quickly sees that not all party organizations have withered and died. The main room is big, bright and cheery; the workers are friendly and helpful; the overriding atmosphere oozes professionalism. Voters confused about the location of their polling place are given a ward map with dots marking every precinct polling place. The committeeman John Stroeger is out in the ward pushing a high turnout, and his office's huge front window is plastered with campaign posters and signs. Does the fighting 8th produce results? Yes, this mainly middle-class black ward delivered to its party on election day.

If all politics is local, then sometimes old fashioned local shoe leather and organization can deliver the goods better than all the media mavens combined. Fear not, Republicans and Democrats, the party era is not over; it's just going through a doldrum. In my view Ross Perot and Larry King will never eliminate the capabilities or productivity of the 8th Ward and other local party organizations like it. In Chicago and Cook County, political action is still on the street.

Paul M. Green is director of the Institute for Public Policy and Administration, Governors State University, University Park.

December 1992/Illinois Issues/39