Is There a Glass Ceiling in Parks & Recreation?

Research reveals that few women advance to upper management positions in this field

BY KIMKERLY J. SHINEW, PH.D., CLP, DENISE ANDERSON AND MARGARET ARNOLD

The U.S. Department of Labor's definition of a glass ceiling is "artificial barriers, based on attitudinal or organizational bias, that prevent women and minorities from advancing within their organization and reaching their full potential."

Recent studies suggest that women in the field of public recreation have not been progressing up the career ladder as expected. While the overall percentage of women represented in the field is comparable to that of men, inequality exists at the higher levels of management.

This trend is not unique to public recreation. Historically, since women started entering the work force, men have worked to safeguard their positions in the upper echelon of management. One of the greatest influxes of women into the work force occurred during WWII; however, as soon as the war ended those women who chose to remain working were put "back in their place." In fact, management did everything it could to remove women from high-paying, nontraditional jobs (Gini, 1998).

In today's society, women continue to struggle with this issue. Arnold and Shinew (1997) found in an earlier study of Illinois park districts that women occupied 54% of all middle management positions, but only 11% of senior management positions. These figures are in line with other professions. As of 1997, women made up 46% of the work force, although most held lower and middle-level positions. In 1995 the Department of Labor reported that in the corporate environment, 40% of the middle management positions were filled by women, compared to 27.6% of the executive-level positions.

At the state and local levels of government, 41% of the workers are women, yet only 27% are officials or administrators (Ahn & Saint-Germain, 1988). At the federal level, women occupy 46% of white collar jobs, but only 15% are in GM-13 to GM-15 positions (highest levels of management) and only 12% are in Senior Executive Service (SES) positions (Ahn & Saint-Germain, 1988, Mani, 1997; Newman, 1995).

When Fortune magazine examined the top 799 public companies in the United States, they found that only 19 of 4,012 people (.47%) designated as the highest-paid directors in their company were women (Wending, 1992). Thus, while the trend is not unique to the field of public recreation, it is disturbing nonetheless, particularly given the number of women entering the field.

In general, the majority of recreation and leisure studies college majors are women. This raises the question of why women in public recreation agencies seem to lose representation at each increasingly higher level of management.

H. George Frederickson (1990) refers to "block equality" and "segmented equality" as two definers of the progress that an agency can make with regard to gender representation. Block equality is found in agencies in which the overall demographics suggest a representative work force; it looks at the composite numbers for the agency. On the other hand, segmented equality is concerned with the various levels within an organization:that is, whether men and women are both represented equally at each level of management (Newman, 1994; Frederickson, 1990; Wise, 1990; Kelly et al., 1991).

Block equality and segmented equality are both issues within the broader framework of social equity. Social equity, within organizations that serve the public, refers to enabling all groups to be represented through an agency's goals and actions. The management team of a public agency serves as representatives for different social groups. Thus, if the managerial team within an organization does not reflect block and segmented equality, equal opportunities for different groups may be undermined.

Public recreation agencies pride themselves on serv-

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Method

Questionnaires were mailed to entry-, middle-, and executive-level managers of Illinois park districts. Middle managers were the first to receive questionnaires, followed by executive-level managers, and finally entry-level managers. The data was collected over a two-year period. The sample was derived from a listing of employees in the IAPD/IPRA Membership Directory and Buyers' Guide. Further, a database provided by the Illinois Association of Park Districts was used to verify the listings. Individuals with the titles "executive director," "director," and "chief executive officer" were selected to represent executive-level managers.

A total of 237 questionnaires were sent to executive- level managers, and 148 responded for a response rate of 62.7% (n=26 females; n=122 males). Similarly, questionnaires were mailed to middle managers, which included managers with the titles "recreation supervisor," "manager," and "coordinator." There was an available sample of 215 middle managers, and 148 questionnaires were returned for a response rate of 68.8% (n=76 females; n=72 males).

Finally, individuals with job titles that generally constitute entry-level positions, such as "program assistant," "facility supervisor," "program supervisor," 'special events supervisor," and "athletic supervisor" were mailed questionnaires. Using this criterion, 227 employees were sent questionnaires; however, 13 were later eliminated because the position was not deemed entry level. A total of 104 questionnaires were returned, representing a response rate of 48.5% (n=64 females; n=40 males). A financial incentive ($50 drawing) was used for each mailing to encourage participation.

Results

Perceptions of Gender Discrimination

Respondents were asked to answer a set of questions that were designed to obtain general information about perceived discriminatory practices in the workplace. The six items centered on promotion opportunities and included:

a) Men are given fewer opportunities than women to be promoted;

b) Women are given fewer opportunities than men to be promoted;

c) There are adequate efforts made by the profession to promote women;

d) Taking maternity leave will slow down or damage a career;

e) A male employee who has his own family will be on a slower career track; and

f) A female employee who has her own family will be on a slower career track.

At all levels, women indicated greater disagreement with the statement that men are given fewer opportunities than women to be promoted; however, women indicated greater agreement with the statement that women are given fewer opportunities than men to be promoted. Further, women at all levels were more likely to disagree with the statement that there are adequate efforts made by the profession to promote women.

Men and women also differed in their perceptions of whether a family influences one's career track. At the entry- and middle-management levels, women were more likely to disagree that men who have a family will be on a slower career track, and women at the middle and executive levels were more likely to agree that women with families would be on a slower career track. Men and women did not differ in their responses regarding the impact maternity leave has on a career track.

Respondents were also asked, "Do you believe that your organization is gender discriminatory in any of the following: recruitment practices, selection practices, task assignments, performance evaluation, salary levels, and promotion decisions." At both the entry- and middle- management levels, several women indicated that they believe their organization is gender discriminatory when it comes to task assignments, salary levels, and promotion decisions.

At the entry level, the percentage of women indicating such discrimination was 22.6% (task assignments), 34.5% (salary levels), and 21.3% (promotion decisions). At the middle level the percentages were 25.0%, 46.7, and 21.3, respectively. The percentages were lower among women at the executive level, but it should be noted that the sample size for that group is fairly small (n=26).

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Perceptions of Gender Inequity

Several questionnaire items were related to respondents' perceptions of a gender inequity. The respondents were given the U.S. Department of Labor's definition of a glass ceiling which is "artificial barriers, based on attitudinal or organizational bias, that prevent women and minorities from advancing within their organization and reaching their full potential."

After being given the definition, respondents were asked, "Have you ever seen a 'glass ceiling' during your career in recreation and parks?" Women were significantly more likely than men to report that they had seen a glass ceiling. At the executive level, 26.9% of the women indicated that they had seen a glass ceiling, compared to 13.9% of the men. At the middle management level, almost 40% of the women indicated that they had seen a glass ceiling compared to only 13% of the men. The results were similar at the entry level, 32.3% of the women and 13.2% of the men reported that they had seen a class ceiling.

A second question asked, "Based on your experiences and personal observations, are top management positions equally represented by gender throughout Illinois public recreation agencies." The majority of the men and women at the middle and executive levels indicated "no." However, at the entry level, a significantly greater percentage of women (85.7%) than men (51.3%) indicated no.

Further, executive- and entry-level managers were asked to respond to the question, "In time, the recreation and parks field will see more women move into senior management positions." In general, most either agreed or strongly agreed with the statement, and men and women did not significantly differ in their responses.

Perceived gender inequity was also evaluated by asking, "Indicate how you compare to members of the opposite sex in similar positions. Comparisons may be made with individuals in your agency or at another recreation and park agency."

The analyses indicated women at all levels felt that they received less salary compared to their male counterparts. Given this, salary comparisons were made between men and women at each level. Among entry level managers, 17.5% of the men reported incomes over $50,000, compared to 7.9% of the women. At the middle-management level, 5.2% of the women indicated that their annual income was over $60,000, compared to 22.6% of the men.

Likewise, at the executive management level, 19.2% of the women reported that their annual income was over $60,000, whereas 52.9% of the men reported that this was their salary level. As a follow-up, "years in current position" was examined, and at the middle and entry level there were no differences between men and women in terms of years of service. However, at the executive level, the average for men was 10 years compared to 5 years for women. Moreover, at the entry level, women felt that they had less opportunities for advancement than did men, and at the middle management level, women felt that the expectations were higher for them. Executive women reported gender inequity in regard to opportunities for advancement, encouragement received from superiors, and respect from superiors. Aspirations for Promotion

When asked "Do you currently feel prepared for a top management position in recreation and parks?" 49% of the women at the entry level, 44.4% of the women at the middle management level, and 53.8% at the executive level responded "yes." At each level, a greater percentage of men reported that they felt prepared.

Percentage of men and women who have seen evidence of a "glass ceiling" during their career in parks ond recreation.

Additionally, they were asked, "Do you desire another promotion during your career in the recreation and parks field? If you check no, please check all that apply." At the entry and executive levels, aspirations for promotion did not differ between men and women. At the entry level, 53.9% of the women and 67.5% of the men indicated that they desired another promotion during their career. At the executive level, approximately 50% of both men and women indicated such desires. However, at the middle management level, men were more likely than women to indicate that they desired another promotion. Of the female respondents, 33.8% indicated that they did not want a promotion, whereas only 17.1% of the men reported that they did not want a promotion. Women reported that "too much family stress", "too much of a time commitment," "too much work stress," and "satisfied with current position" were reasons for not wanting a promotion.

Finally, entry-level managers were asked, "Do you have a mentor?" If they responded yes, they were asked to describe how the relationship developed (formally versus informally), whether the mentor was older or younger, and whether the mentor was male or female. Approximately 40% (42.7%) indicated that they did have a mentor, and this did not differ by gender. However, women were more likely to report that they had a female mentor, and men were more likely to report that they had a male mentor. Most (93%) indicated that their mentor was older, and 47.6% of the relationships were developed formally, and 52.4% were developed informally.

Implications

As demonstrated by the study's results, it is apparent that the female respondents feel that they face more negative career situations than do the men. This may contribute to the

A noteworthy finding was that while both men and women at the entry level equally desired another promotion during their career, only 49% of the women, compared to 71.4% of the men, felt prepared for a promotion.

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lower numbers of women in upper management. A noteworthy finding was that while both men and women at the entry level equally desired another promotion during their career, only 49% of the women, compared to 71.4% of the men, felt prepared for a promotion.

We need to look at this situation and see what steps might be taken to help women become better prepared for higher level jobs. Answers may lie in mentoring programs, workshops, or continuing education programs. Additionally, in the area of promotions, women reported more often than men that they have seen evidence of a glass ceiling within the field of parks and recreation. Whether this is reality or perception, perception is reality in the eyes of the beholder. Therefore, the belief that their career may be stymied by a glass ceiling could be a hindrance for a woman's drive toward advancement.

Finally, women at all levels reported that they are not adequately represented in top management positions. This again points to why women may become discouraged with their career advancement, and thus ultimately leave the profession. If, based on some of the findings of this study, women become discouraged and leave the field, the number of women in senior management positions will remain stagnant, or possibly decline even further. This study suggests that there are a number of concerns that women face, and it is our responsibility as professionals to recognize these issues, determine their impact, and work to eliminate any inequitable practices. We should strive for segmented equality in our park districts. 

KIMBERLY J. SHINEW, PH.D., CLP
is an associate professor in the Department of Leisure Studies at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

DENISE ANDERSON
is a doctoral student in the Department of Leisure Studies of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign.

MARGARET L ARNOLD
is an assistant professor at SUNY-Cortland in New York.

The researchers would like to acknowledge the Illinois Association of Park Districts Research Advisory Council for their financial support of this research project.

References

Ahn, K.K., & Saint-Germain, M.A. (1988). "Public administration education and the status of women." American Review of Public Administration, 18, 297-307.

Arnold, M.L. & Sinew, K.J. (1997). "Career advancement perceptions held by female middle managers compared to male middle managers." Journal of Park and Recreation Administration, 15,40-57.

Frederickson, H.G. (1990). "Public administration and social equity." Public Administration Review, 50,228-237.

Gini, A. (1998). "Women in the workplace." Business and Society Review, 99,3-17.

Kelly, R.M., Guy, M.E., BayesJ., Duerst-Lahti, G., Duke, L.L., Hale, M.M., Johnson, C, Kawar, A., & Stanley, J.R. (1991). "Public managers in the states:
A comparison of career advancement by sex." Public Administration Review, 51, 402-412.

Mani, B.G. (1997). "Gender and the federal senior executive service: Where is the glass ceiling?" Public Personnel Management, 26, 545-558.

Newman, M.A. (1995). "The gendered nature of Lowi's typology: Or, who would guess you could find gender here?" In Gender Power, Leadership, and Governance, eds. G. Duerst-Lahti, & R.M. Kelly, pp. 141-164. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press.

Newman, M.A. (1994). "Gender and Lowi's thesis:
Implications for career advancement." Public Administration Review, 54, 277-284.

Wending, R.M. (1992). "Women in middle management: Their career development and aspirations." Business Horizons (Jan-Feb), 47-54.

Wise, L.R. (1990). "Social equity in civil service systems." Public Administration Review, 50, 567-575.

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