STATE OF THE STATE
Burney Simpson
Gov. George Ryan has done much, but a scandal is beginning to 'slick'
by Burney Simpson

After one year in office, Gov. George Ryan can be likened to a bridegroom, purposefully striding down the aisle, ready to sweep Illinois off her feet. Unfortunately, he's got toilet paper stuck to his shoe.

This Republican chief executive has accomplished more in his first 12 months than some governors have managed in full four-year terms. And, for the most part, he's delivered on the promises of his maiden State of the State address. At the same time, the widening bribery scandal, dating to his tenure as secretary of state and now enveloping seven driver's license facilities, is beginning to stick in the public's mind.

At this writing, 28 people have been charged in a federal probe with taking cash in exchange for commercial truck licenses, 15 of whom worked for Ryan. So far, again at this writing, 14 people have pleaded guilty; 10 have been sentenced.

Nothing connects Ryan personally to the malfeasance, but the ongoing "Operation Safe Road" investigation continues to trail him. Ryan's legendary negotiating skills won't make this political problem go away. Neither will his penchant for offhand public comments.

Meanwhile, though, Ryan's early accomplishments as governor have been extraordinary. For starters, he had the foresight to push through some necessary spending plans, including a $12 billion "Illinois First" program designed to repair the state's aging infrastructure. The dollars, raised through bonds we'll be retiring for years to come, will be used to build or rebuild roads, bridges, sewers and public transportation throughout Illinois.

His early accomplishments as governor have been extraordinary. He had the foresight to push for dollars to repair roads and bridges

That Ryan controls the purse strings is a nice touch, too, because legislators on both sides of the partisan aisle will be beholden to him for the foreseeable future.

What else has he done?
• He designated 51 percent of the state's $42.8 billion budget for education.

• He lobbied for and signed a tuition tax credit designed to give parents some relief on their income taxes if they send their kids to private schools.

• He nailed a compromise on regulation of those controversial mega-livestock farms. As the governor requested, the state will oversee the facilities and make the final call on where they'll go, but local officials and residents will get some input. Environmental standards for the farms also were strengthened.

• He had a hand in rewriting the rules on managed care. After years of legislative debate, patients were given greater say in their medical treatment. Though lawmakers did not agree to give patients the right to sue their Health Maintenance Organizations, the Illinois Supreme Court has since ruled they can.

• He got $160 million for his Open Lands trust initiative and plans to spend $40 million to buy land during each year of his tenure.

• He and First Lady Lura Lynn Ryan exchanged an early Christmas gift when they announced the $115 million Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library, which will be built in Springfield. It's scheduled to open in 2002.

• He made international news in October when he became the first sitting U.S. governor to travel to Cuba in 40 years.

Wow.

And there's more. In short order, this governor has managed to stamp his own personal style on Illinois politics and governance. Longtime political analyst Robert F. Rich credits Ryan with bringing a more open atmosphere back to Springfield.

"A legislator told me that you walk the Capitol hallways and hear, 'Hey Joe, how's it going?' And it's the governor. He knows the people, their names and their interests," says Rich, a political science professor with the Institute of Government and Public Affairs at the University of Illinois. "It barkens back to the [Gov.] Jim Thompson years. There's a good working relationship."

But it's the backslapping nature of Ryan's get-it-done-now politics that raises concerns about his leadership in the long term.

Ryan said during his campaign he saw no reason to raise taxes. But this month, some Illinoisans will begin paying higher license plate fees, part of the trade-off for all those building

6 / January 2000 Illinois Issues


projects. The price of the basic plate went from $48 a year to $75. Mean- while, other Illinoisans have already begun paying higher prices for liquor. That, too, was part of the political price of Illinois First. The tax on a six- pack of beer was increased by a penny a can; the tax on low-alcohol wine was boosted by 3 cents a bottle; the tax on high-alcohol wine was tripled from 5 cents to 15 cents a bottle.

And that doesn't take into account a spiraling price-hike war between liquor distillers and distributors touched off by legislation approved last spring that protects distributors in contract disputes.

The negatives inherent in that deal could stick to Ryan, too. The key beneficiary was Chicago Blackhawks owner and major liquor distributor William Wirtz, who hired an army of high-powered lobbyists to help sell the idea. Some editorial writers argued the measure tilted the business playing field. Ryan's spokesman said the governor would never think of mediating in the free market. But that comment struck some as too glib.

Ryan also may have trouble shaking free of the politically tricky gambling issue. Last spring, he and lawmakers approved the first major overhaul of the decade-old law that legalized river- boat casinos. They agreed to allow a riverboat into Cook County and permit dockside gaming. While they were at it, they decided to help the state's horse racing interests.

Under the agreement, Arlington International Racecourse, owned by politically connected Richard Duchossois, and the state's other tracks will split 15 percent of the tax revenue from a relocated boat. Each must then share half of their proceeds with the horsemen.

Hardcore gambling opponents complained that Ryan had said during his campaign that he didn't believe the state needed more casinos. Ryan responded that moving a boat, even into Cook County, and allowing boats to remain docked — for that matter allowing them to stay open virtually around the clock — does not constitute an expansion of gambling.

And that could be fairly argued. A more pointed critique of the gambling and liquor deals, though, was that under Ryan's administration, those who have get.

He's expected to focus much of his energy in his second year on the state's social infrastructure. The timing may he right

And, some would say, the inverse. Which brings us to the first crisis of Ryan's gubernatorial administration. The new system for distributing child support checks failed, leaving some of the state's most vulnerable families without their money. The problem began when the state centralized the system, as required by federal law. That system was scheduled to be up and running by October 1 through a center in Wheaton. Previously, the checks were distributed by circuit clerks. As of mid-December, the state had spent about $8 million in emergency payments, with the tab rising.

Indeed, Ryan is expected to focus much of his energy in his second year on the state's social infrastructure. His first move might be to begin, as he has suggested, by reviewing the organization of key human service agencies.

The timing may be right. The Department of Public Aid looks politically vulnerable because that agency is in charge of getting those child support checks delivered. And Howard Peters, the secretary of the Department of Human Services, will be moving on to become a lobbyist for a hospital group. Meanwhile, a push to consolidate workforce training and job placement is in the works.

There are other issues on the horizon, as well:

• The state must decide how to spend the $9 billion in tobacco settlement money expected to come to the state over the next 25 years. The first check for $114.9 million has arrived

and has been put into short-term investments. But over the long haul, that money has to be tempting to Ryan.

• Some state politicians are talking tax cuts. Others are talking about a "rainy day" fund. Ryan will have his hands full negotiating between those competing interests.

• A report on the future of the suburban toll roads is due in early January. Whatever the conclusions, this could well be a no-win issue for any governor.

But Ryan's biggest political headache remains something that happened before he took his latest oath of office.

That bribes-for-licenses scandal has so far involved mostly midlevel workers, some of whom helped non-English speaking applicants get commercial driver's licenses. The allegation is that the bribes were solicited because workers were under pressure to raise campaign cash. Federal prosecutors charge that up to $152,000 was collected in bribes and turned over to Ryan's secretary of state campaign kitty.

Ryan denies any knowledge of law- breaking and urges prosecutors to move aggressively in the investigation. And his statement that he was far removed from the goings-on at the license facilities makes sense. But it reveals something about a career politician who keeps his eyes on the big picture and lets his staff sweat the details. The mess is troubling because it raises questions about Ryan's management style.

Indeed, a poll of registered voters conducted in October for the Chicago Tribune found that half did not like the way Ryan was handling the license scandal. Meanwhile, only about 50 percent of those surveyed liked the way Ryan was doing his job as governor, and 30 percent disapproved.

That can't be good news for Ryan. At the end of his first year, the honeymoon may be over. There is time to boost those numbers, certainly. But, generally, political experts assume politicians need at least a 50 percent approval rating to a be viable candidate for re-election. 

Illinois Issues January 2000 / 7


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