Housing the poor
Chicago has a new battle plan. But can the city win the war?
by Burney Simpson
Illustration by Rails Melotte
Photograph by Nathan Mandell

The front line in Chicago's long- running struggle to provide shelter for that city's poorest citizens has moved to the near West Side, specifically to a public housing complex named for a former Illinois governor.

The 45-year-old Henry Horner Homes lie in the shadow of the imposing United Center, where the Bulls won so many of that team's championships over the last several years. It's unlikely the residents of Henry Horner could afford to attend any those high-priced playoff games. Still, they managed to secure a hard- fought victory of their own in the last decade.

With the help of their lawyer, William Wilen, they won a consent decree from a federal court that requires the city to replace each of the units in their crumbling mid- and high- rise buildings.

In 1998, according to the Chicago Housing Authority, 1, 897 residents lived in 1, 570 units at Henry Horner. But over the next few years, seven mid-rises and four high-rises that house low-income people will be torn down. During the first reconstruction phase, 380 units of low-rise and two-apartment town- homes are going up. Many already are occupied.

"When we began in 1991, Horner was gang controlled, and there was a 49 percent vacancy. The conditions were deplorable," says Wilen, who works for the Poverty Law Project in Chicago. "In nine years, there's been a remarkable transformation."

In fact, the changes at Horner represent something more: the latest transformation in city and federal housing policy.
Housing the poor
Sixty years ago, policy-makers considered public housing — built in subsequent decades mostly on Chicago's West and South sides — a step up for the city's low-income residents, a solution to the crowded and unsafe tenements and shacks that had been thrown up, block upon block, in Chicago and other major cities during the first half of the 20th century.

In the 1930s, those structures were replaced with low-rise, low-income public housing. In the 1940s, similar housing was built for returning World War II veterans.

In the 1950s, though, high-rise public buildings became popular. They were considered a step up, too. Planners believed shared walkways and parkways would foster community. Though tenants didn't have their own yards, the large open spaces surrounding these buildings were intended to be used as recreation areas. The high-rises had the advantage, as well, of concentrating more people into

18 / January 2000 Illinois Issues


smaller areas.

But in the 1960s, policy-makers made a series of shifts in their "war against poverty" that had disastrous consequences. With the best of intentions, federal officials began to focus assistance programs on nonworking, single mothers with children. A similar focus took hold at the Department of Housing and Urban Development. The result was that, over time, public housing filled up with nonworking tenants. As working families left, social pathologies spread. And the high- rises became havens for crime. They became, in short, updated versions of the dangerous tenements and shanties of an earlier era.

According to The Poorhouse: Subsidized Housing in Chicago, 1895- 1976 by Devereaux Bowly Jr., at the end of 1975 there were 131, 513 residents living in 42, 735 public housing units throughout the city, including those in senior housing. Single-parent families lived in 87 percent of those units. Whites had moved out, too, leaving public housing racially segregated. Fully 95 percent of the residents of Chicago's public family housing were black by the mid-70s.

In the two decades after the publication of Bowly's book, the problems in Chicago's public housing only got worse.

So bad, in fact, that the federal government took control of the city's program in 1995, citing a long record of mismanagement of a deteriorating housing stock.

Chicago wasn't alone. Housing authorities throughout the nation came under federal scrutiny. HUD has taken over eight housing authorities since 1985, including those in East St. Louis and Springfield.

Willis H. Logan, executive director of the reconstituted Springfield Housing Authority, argues federal policies were due for an overhaul.

The federal agency returned

Declining sympathy for those who have no homes

What happened to the homeless? Are there fewer of them than a decade ago? It would appear so, but appearances can be deceiving.

Advocates for the homeless and public officials disagree about whether homelessness is increasing or declining. But no one disputes the notion that tens of thousands of Illinoisans live on the streets.

An estimated 41, 000 people stayed in shelters in the six-county metropolitan Chicago area during the past year. Another 40, 000 to 60, 000 people are thought to have spent the night on the street at least once in that period, according to a November report on housing commissioned by the Metropolitan Planning Council. Another 32, 000 to 65, 000 families had to share quarters with another family.

Nevertheless, the homeless are undercounted, advocates maintain, because the fastest growing population among the homeless is comprised of families with children. "Nationally, the average age of a homeless person is 9, and we see that here as well," says John Donahue, executive director of the Chicago Coalition for the Homeless. The coalition estimates that families with children account for 45 percent of Chicago's homeless population.

The future doesn't look promising. Rent increases outpaced inflation in the 1990s. In 1999, about 38 percent of the region's renters had to use more than 30 percent of their income for rent. The average cost of a two- bedroon rental in the region is $723.

The federal government's latest panacea — housing vouchers — also falls short of solving the problem. Federally funded Section 8 subsidies are designed to make it possible for low-income families to move into approved private-market housing. Some 41, 000 metropolitan area families received Section 8 subsidies last year, according to the Metropolitan Planning Council's report. But another 60, 000 households were on a waiting list for the vouchers. In the city of Chicago, 25, 452 low-income people had received the vouchers as of December 1. Another 30, 000 were on a waiting list.

Even those who secure Section 8 housing may have difficulty finding a place to live. Because of the tight rental market, landlords can afford to be selective. Tenants in Section 8 homes reported facing discrimination and additional hurdles.

Donahue sees a decline in sympathy for the homeless. They are out of sight, he says, but they're not gone.

The Editors

Declining sympathy for those who have no homes

Why Illinoisans live on the streets

Chicago lost 400, 000 manufacturing jobs between 1971 and 1999.

• A family of four in Chicago needs an annual income of $33, 775 to pay for basic needs.

• In 1998, the buying power of a welfare grant for a family of three had declined to 44 percent of the buying power of a grant in 1973.

• In Illinois, there are four unemployed, low-skilled workers for every available entry-level job.

• The number of low-income renters out- paces the number of affordable housing units by about 130, 000 people.

Source: Chicago Coalition for the Homeless

Illinois Issues January 2000 / 19


Congress ordered local  
housing officials to  
tear down older  
developments if they  
were too costly to rehab

Congress ordered local housing officials to tear down older developments if they were too costly to rehab.

Springfield's housing authority to local control in 1997. Since coming on board as part of that reorganization, Logan has overseen demolition of the capital city's major public housing complex, the crumbling John Hay Homes.

Indeed, a fed up Congress ordered local housing officials everywhere to tear down older developments if they were too costly to rehab. Though housing activists agree public developments throughout the country had fallen into a sorry state, they worry that displaced residents won't be able to secure other affordable homes.

Logan is upbeat, though. And a relentless promoter. He has developed ads that tout the good qualities of low-income renters. And he argues national policies now give those renters a greater feeling of ownership, that the change has paid off.

"The federal government finally realized that people appreciate it more if they have an ownership stake. They take better care of the property and themselves."

Meanwhile, Chicago's housing authority was returned to local control last spring. If for no other reason, the size of that city's low- income population makes the problems there more complex. In 1998, the Chicago authority was

responsible for 46, 726 residents in 26, 496 units located in 17 low- and high-rise developments.

For starters, the feds called on the city to privatize management of its Section 8 program, which offers subsidies to low-income residents for market-rate housing.

And the city has a new plan to tear down the crime-ridden high-rises and build neighborhoods of mixed income housing. Those new homes will be modest, but they'll have small private yards. And Chicago officials believe that will foster pride, encourage cleaner streets and discourage graffiti and crime.

And they believe that putting working families back into public housing will provide stability.

"The residents of the CHA are not getting a fair shake. Those buildings and those neighborhoods are not up to par," argues Rod Sierra, Chicago Mayor Richard Daley's press aide. "[Mayor Daley] adamantly wants to take control and get these fixed once and for all."

To that end, Daley named Phillip Jackson as the new chief executive officer in June. Jackson grew up in Chicago public housing and most recently had been chief of staff for the city's Board of Education during Daley's efforts to reform the schools.

He has wasted no time. By September, Jackson had announced plans for a $1.5 billion capital program to build or rehab 24, 000 units where the authority's buildings now stand. The construction will take five to six years and residents in good standing will be guaranteed a home, even if they must move out during construction.

By next summer, the authority plans to hire professional management firms to oversee all properties, and cut its own staff of 1, 300. The savings will go into housing. And $20 million of the construction dollars will be used for an apprenticeship program for residents, leading to a projected 3, 000 jobs.

Jackson also has asked HUD to waive or limit 38 federal housing rules so the authority will have more leeway in demolitions and in setting eligibility for replacement tenants.

Jackson argues that having the full support of the mayor will make the difference because other city agencies — previously standoffish — will be brought on board. For example, last fall the authority's police force was disbanded, and the Chicago Police Department will now oversee the developments. The authority board is expected to review the plans this month. If approved, they will go to HUD for review.

These are hopeful signs. Not that there haven't been problems. There has been some damage in the new Horner Homes. And crime has followed the residents as they moved.

But adjustments are inevitable, argues Sue Sago, a 17-year Horner resident who moved into replacement housing. It shouldn't surprise anyone, she says, that children used to playing in cinder block apartments will likely damage the plasterboard walls of their new homes.

"You need to give low-income people time to acquire the tools they need."

There is still tension between some neighborhood residents and the Horner transplants. While much of the replacement housing is on the land where the high-rises once stood, some of it has been built next to market- rate housing on nearby streets. And the two-flats are designed to house a public housing tenant and a market-rate renter. That can turn out to be a learning experience for both.

Wilen, who continues to negotiate for more units, also is working on screening requirements for those tenants applying to move into the neighborhood. But he notes the tenor of the discussions has changed. The attitude, he says, used to be "demolish, demolish, demolish. Now it's build, build, build."

Horner resident Sago takes the long view. She acknowledges residents were as much to blame for the disrepair and disrepute of public housing as the authority.

"The CHA failed the residents and the residents failed themselves," says Sago. Now, she says, "everybody has to do better. I came as a temporary. Sometimes you have to stay and fight." ž

20 / January 2000 Illinois Issues


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