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Freedom's orator

His Brother's Blood: Speeches and Writings, 1838-64, by Owen Lovejoy, Edited by William F. Moore and Jane Ann Moore. Foreword by Paul Simon. 2004. University of Illinois Press. 432 pages. Cloth $50.00

When Owen Lovejoy voiced his ideas regarding human dignity and universal liberty—based on his understanding of the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the Word of God— he, in return, experienced derision from central Illinois to Washington, D.C. A journey through Lovejoy's political life via his speeches and writings reveals the chasm that existed in Illinois and America over the issue of slavery.

Lovejoy landed on the right side of history. He knew he would, but to get there he had to endure ridicule and threatening remarks. While another Illinoisan, Abraham Lincoln, will never be short of his deserved kudos, his "most generous friend," Owen Lovejoy, leader of the antislavery movement in Illinois, is due his recognition. This first-ever publication of Lovejoy's public speeches and writings should bring him more attention.

In the wake of the 2004 presidential election, commentators unceasingly discussed the role of the moral vote on the election's outcome. Cable talk shows and radio airwaves were full of commentaries that revealed how surprised pundits were at the very real influence religion held over contemporary American politics. They learned that the intangible but pervasive force of morality is not something that can be measured by polling, but can certainly be observed in results.

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One goal that William and Jane Moore hoped to accomplish by compiling Owen Lovejoy's speeches and writings was "to make it possible for researchers to take another look at the contribution religion made to the political process through one of its effective spokespersons in the movement that ended slavery in America." Indeed, according to the authors, Lovejoy used

"religion and the organizational network of the political anti-slavery movement to form a popular antislavery basis for the Republican Party in Illinois."

An antislavery proponent from the beginning, Lovejoy knew the costs. He'd had the horrific experience of holding his murdered brother, Elijah, on the streets of Alton; the memory kept him focused for three decades on the moral issue of slavery. Lovejoy drew from his keen understanding of scripture to explain and articulate his worldview to an American audience that understood his religious language.

While religion was significant in Lovejoy's understanding of the world, reason, common sense, history, literature, and humanitarianism also served him well. For instance, when challenging the Fugitive Slave Law, he would simply say he fed and clothed the poor without inquiring into whether or not the person was a slave. Or when he questioned Douglas's idea of Popular Sovereignty, he asked the audience how many people were for enslaving Douglas. By doing this he turned Popular Sovereignty on its head by making it seem ludicrous. For instance, in the following excerpt we

see how Lovejoy engages his audience while masterfully deflating a powerful political idea of the time. (We even get an opportunity to hear what Douglas may have sounded like when Lovejoy exaggerates the speech of the "little giant.")

"Suppose we try Mr. Douglas by his own principle. Suppose I put the motion to this audience whether Douglas shall be a slave or not? I put the motion now. All in favor of making Douglas a slave say, aye. [Cries of aye and a few no.] The ayes have it.—Now suppose we take him to the blacksmith to put on the fetters and then set him to work with a gang of slaves on a Southern plantation under the crack of the overseers whip and if in three weeks Douglas is not a blacker Republican than Lovejoy dreamed to be, then I will subscribe to his great princeeple. . . ."

This campaign speech made in Freeport in 1860 is only one of a plethora of examples demonstrating Lovejoy's acumen of combining logic, common sense, and rich imagery to make his point.

In the introduction to the text, the Moores lay out for the reader five key areas of interest: the relationship between Lincoln and Lovejoy; political strategy, especially at the grass roots level; religion and politics in the public forum; the use of Bible and literature in oratory; and finally—and simply—Owen Lovejoy as a "fascinating human being." The last point could have been brought home better by including personal letters in the volume. After reading three decades of Lovejoy's political and religious thoughts, the reader craves to know more about how he interacted with those closest to him, especially outside

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the political arena. Not only is there an introduction before each section, there is an introductory note before each document. In some of these introductory notes, the Moores intrigue the reader by referring to a letter between Lovejoy and a family member. One suspects that the persona] letters would echo his public-sentiments, but their inclusion underscores the man's integrity.

The book—and hence Lovejoy's political life—is broken into eight parts: Member of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 1838-42; Member of the Liberty Party, 1842-48; Member oi the free Soil and Free Democratic Parties. IS48-54; Minority Gadfly Member of the 35th Congress, 1857-59; Partisan Republican Member of the 36th Congress, 1860-61; A Floor Leader of the Triumphant 37th Congress, 1861-63; and Esteemed Colleague of the 38th Congress, 1863-64. The Moores not only richly contextualize each part but provide explanatory footnotes, including biographical sketches, when necessary.

The Moores are masters of presentation. Their decision to organize the letters and speeches chronologically was a wise one, permitting readers to travel with Lovejoy through the complexity of antebellum and helium politics. We witness a political world in flux, the nascent moments of a political party destined to rise to national power, and the high stakes of life and death, both physically and nationally. Spurred on by his brother Elijah's murder by a proslavery mob in Alton, Illinois, Lovejoy took on the moral issue that marked the American republic since its founding. Since the speeches and writings are arranged chronologically, the reader vicariously experiences the events of the era and witnesses the growth and development of a great nineteenth-century mind that still has a lot to teach us.

Students of American and Illinois history will certainly gain from this book as will students of oratory and leadership. His Brother's Blood certainly deserves to be in academic libraries as well as in the private libraries of serious students of the political, religious, and cultural history of the United States. In some ways it is unfortunate that as a book of primary documents it will not have a wider audience; many readers will miss out on the cogent analysis and engaging writing style of the Moores. The love and respect that the Moores have for Owen Lovejoy is obvious. Their enthusiasm for this important American is contagious, and this reader, for one, hopes to someday see the Moores produce a long overdue biography of Owen Lovejoy. This, I believe, will bring more attention to this great man from the reading public.

Christopher Young is a professor of history and American Studies at MacMurray College in Jacksonville.

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