jects basic to the mechanics of government.

Kerner's disdain for political squabbling in public privately rankled some members of his own party, who interpreted this aloofness as a lack of aggressive leadership. Yet, Kernels foremost antagonist was W. Russell Arrington, the fiery senator from Evanston who forged the G.O.P. Senate majority in the last half of the 1960's into one of the most formidable legislative blocs in modern times. Recalling the opposition to Kerner's programs spearheaded by Arrington, one Kerner confidant remarked that "Russ Arrington, undoubtedly, was the strongest legislative opponent any Governor faced in recent decades." This individual believes that the Kerner-Arrington clashes clearly illustrate an almost continuous antipathy between the executive and legislative branches, an antipathy which has overshadowed all else in Illinois government. "The never-ending confrontation between the Governor and the legislature — it just never stops," this person said. "We don't have anything like a loyal opposition in the legislature. It's not even this bad in Washington." Kerner had to contend with a radically changing General Assembly. Increased staffing and other operational reforms undoubtedly made the legislature a more powerful branch during his tenure.

75th laid groundwork for annual sessions
The 75th General Assembly that convened in 1967 was the first to meet of its own volition at times other than the normal six-month session each biennium. In so doing, this legislature laid groundwork for the present-day annual sessions. Besides turning the General Assembly into a body with potential for greater participation in the day-to-day operations of government, the Republican leadership sponsored wide-ranging proposals in 1967 which constituted an alternate legislative program to that offered by Kerner. All of this made it hard to see which branch had an upper hand in running Illinois. The matter was not decided until the G.O.P. leaders willingly submitted their troops to the will of incoming Governor Ogilvie.

'In the jungle of Illinois politics the start of 1969 was most unusual. On hand were a new, aggressive Republican Governor and a Republican majority in each chamber'

Between Ogilvie and Kerner, Democrat Samuel H. Shapiro was the State's chief executive for nearly eight months. His relationship with the General Assembly might have been of special interest to analysts had his term been longer, because Shapiro had served several terms in the House before entering the executive branch.

Republicans at Ogilvie's disposal
In the jungle of Illinois politics the start of 1969 was most unusual. On hand were a new, aggressive Republican Governor and a Republican majority in each chamber. The Republicans were virtually at Ogilvie's disposal, and the Governor's legislative liaison staff was made up largely of former G.O.P. legislative staff members. Almost every Ogilvie request — the massive tax and spending programs and more — was granted. While Illinois business leaders and other G.O.P. stalwarts watched in disbelief, the Governor and the Republican legislative leaders maneuvered to obtain passage of a bloc of programs so new and costly that Ogilvie's Democratic predecessors looked like pikers.

But even before the session was completed, it was evident that the unusual harmony was near an end. Many Republicans rebelled at the arm twisting that accompanied Ogilvie's successful call for passage of the State income tax, voted against it, and split with the Governor and his supporters permanently over the issue. The extent of the G.O.P. split did not become fully evident until a year later, when many Republicans did not even go through the pretense of serious consideration" before opposing Ogilvie's request for an increase in the State motor fuel tax to finance State aid to local mass transit systems.

After the session a number of the Republicans, mainly downstaters, made it clear that Ogilvie's aid in their upcoming re-election campaigns was not welcome. The reason was more than disgust over the Governor's request for a gas levy hike in an election year, a request which came only a year after the State income tax. Ogilvie had already-alienated many legislators that year (1970) by seeking the defeat of some G.O.P. legislators in the primary election.

Walker had less to lose
Four years later in the State primary Gov. Walker conducted a similar" "purge" of certain Democratic incumbents. However, Walker's standing with the legislature at the time left him with considerably less to lose.

William S. Hanley, a Springfield attorney who was an Ogilvie assistant OB, legislative matters, recalled that "approval of the income tax, without question, caused ruptured relations between the Governor and some of our senators that never completely healed." Looking back at the 1970 primary, Hanley described Ogilvie's involvement as-intended to help those who had stayed with us in the legislature. But we also wanted to get rid of those considered independent or disloyal. True enough, the worst time we had came in the sessions -that year."

Ogilvie's relationship with the' legislature became more complicated with the Democrats' unexpected

52/Illinois Issues/February 1975




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