Chicago
By DAN LOGAN

Independents 'Up Against Daley' machine seen by Mathewson as 'third force' in Illinois

WHENEVER a new political movement appears on the horizon, there's a new book to herald its arrival. Such a book is Up Against Daley: The New Politics in Illinois by Joe Mathewson.

The reformers Mathewson writes about are issue-oriented advocates of what Alderman Dick Simpson calls "participatory politics." They've helped to elect candidates of both parties and some of their own. They're not likely to form or join a party, but they've become an increasingly powerful "third force" in Illinois politics.

Here's the gospel according to Mathewson: Today's independent movement took root in the University of Chicago neighborhood, Hyde Park, which in 1909 sent University of Chicago Professor Charles E. Merriam to the City Council to do battle with the likes of "Bathhouse" John Coughlin and "Hinky Dink" Kenna. Despite stiff opposition, Merriam started commissions and investigations that uncovered corruption.

Paul Douglas, another U. of C. professor, who went to the Council in 1939, was the first independent to accept machine support. Three years later, that support enabled him to go to the U.S. Senate, where he served three terms.

The first black to break the party barrier was Charles Chew, who beat a machine candidate for alderman in 1963, but soon defected to the machine. Blacks began electing authentic independents in Hyde Park, sending Richard Newhouse to the State Senate in 1966.

1968 Democratic Convention
It took the 1968 Democratic Convention to convince white liberals on the North Side to band together politically. After the Convention, Dick Simpson formed the Independent Precinct Organization (IPO) to do precinct work for candidates endorsed by a two-thirds vote of its members. The IPO's first candidate, to fill a midterm aldermanic vacancy in 1969, was 27-year-old William Singer, who had worked for Douglas, Abner Mikva, Robert Kennedy, and George McGovern. Singer won by an eyelash. Within two years, North Side independents elected Bruce Douglas as state representative and Simpson himself as alderman.

After the 1968 Democratic Conven- tion, according to Mathewson, the conflict between machine and independents "might have escalated precipitously into a political civil war if [the independents'] potential general had not abandoned his post, missing his moment in history." He's referring to Adlai Stevenson III, then State Treasurer, who criticized Daley's handling of the Convention, backed the Independent Democratic Coalition, and organized an independent "legislative study group."

Daley: 'room for everyone'
At Stevenson's famous Libertyville party, 6, 000 independents were ready to sign the "Libertyville Proclamation" for party reform, the Magna Charta of the movement. Then, in strode the Mayor, promising "room for everyone" in the party. Three months later, Daley silenced Stevenson by slating him for senator. It was one of Daley's finest hours.

Most of the staunch independents seem to have broken with the party over that fateful Convention. Had Daley not antagonized the demonstrators, there would have been no Singer aldermanic candidacy and no Walker Report. Daley probably would have been able to keep everybody happy. As it is, he'll be haunted by battle-scarred veterans of the 1968 Convention trying to bring an end to one of the greatest political tightrope acts in history.

But, even without the Singers and the Walkers, the forces Mathewson sees as contributing to the independents' momentum remain: the voters' tendency to split tickets, the increase in citizen action, U.S. Attorney James Thomp son's incredible record of convictions, and the steady erosion of patronage jobs.

Despite its poor organization and an index that only lists persons. Up Against Daley is an indispensable reference work. The book describes in detail the election work that has made independent victories possible. The final chapters discuss Illinois' independent movement in the context of national politics and predict the movement's future.

Mathewson predicts that U.S. Attorney Thompson is the independents' only hope in the 1975 mayoral race. Thompson, of course, withdrew in September.

My theory is that William Singer has a shot at winning the mayoralty. He has Independent Voters of Illinois' fine organizer Sherwin Swartz, the brilliant media man David Garth, and almost as much name recognition as Daley, and a head start. His ability to pick up black votes and endorsements could make the difference.

Whatever the outcome of the election, I agree with Mathewson when he writes that after 44 years "the machine has outlived the normal power spar history accords to even the most successful political movements. The machine is elderly. It is vulnerable.' And Up Against Daley should do a lot1 to raise the consciousness of the independent movement that is its potential successor.

30/Illinois Issues/January 1975